UC-NRLF 


B    3    E73    EDfi 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


PRIZE  ESSAYS 

OF  THE 

AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 
1910 


To  this  Essay  was  awarded  the 

JUSTIN  WINSOR  PRIZE  IN 

AMERICAN  HISTORY 

for  1910 


THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

SLAVERY-SERVITUDE—FREEDOM 
1639-1861 


BY 

EDWARD  RAYMOND  TURNER,  PH.D., 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  MICHIGAN 


PUBLISHED    BY 

THE   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 
WASHINGTON,  1911 


LIBRARY 

OF 


COPYRIGHT,  igiz 

BY  THE  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  AttociArior 
WAJHINGTON,  D  C. 


THE  LORD  BALTIMORE  PRECS 
BALTIMORE,  MD..  U.  S.  A. 


To 

MY  FATHER 
CHARLES  TURNER 

AND  TO 

MY  MOTHER 
ROSALIND  FLYNN  TURNER 

THIS  BOOK 

IS  DEDICATED  IN 

LOVING  REMEMBRANCE 


viii  PREFACE 

(8)  The  friends  of  .the  negro  were  the  Quakers,  the 
abolitionists,  and  the  anti-slavery  advocates. 

(9)  Abolitionism  preceded  anti-slavery,  and  was  less 
violent. 

(10)  Along  with  dislike  for  the  negro  developed  a 
strong  hostility  to  slavery,  which  was  manifested  in 
opposition  to  the  extension  of  Southern  slavery,  and  in 
encouragement  given  to  fugitive  slaves. 

Effort  has  been  made  to  consult  all  material  bearing 
upon  the  subject,  and  many  secondary  works  have  been 
used.  As  a  rule,  however,  lack  of  space  has  made  it 
impossible  to  cite  them,  so  that  the  several  thousand  ref 
erences  are  almost  exclusively  to  sources.  The  prepara 
tion  of  this  work  has  entailed  a  search  through  some 
3,000  printed  volumes,  more  than  10,000  pamphlets,  and 
probably  50,000  pages  of  manuscript. 

The  work  was  written  at  the  suggestion  of  Professor 
James  Curtis  Ballagh  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
whose  unrivalled  knowledge  of  all  things  relating  to  the 
legal  development  of  American  slavery  was  at  all  times 
at  my  service.  From  Professor  John  Martin  Vincent 
of  the  Johns  Hopkins  I  had  helpful  and  kindly  guid 
ance,  while  for  that  sympathetic  assistance  and  stimu 
lating  criticism  which  mean  so  much  to  the  beginner,  I 
am  indebted  to  Professor  Charles  McLean  Andrews, 
now  of  Yale  University. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  recall  the  courtesy  shown  me  while 
I  was  carrying  on  my  researches.  I  am  under  obliga 
tions  to  Dr.  John  W.  Jordan,  Mr.  Ernest  Spofford,  and 
Miss  Wiley,  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  Mr.  Bunford  Samuel  of  the  Ridgway  Library,  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Lynch  Montgomery  of  the  State  Library  at 
Harrisburg,  and  to  Mr.  Luther  R.  Kelker  of  the  Divi- 


PREFACE  ix 

sion  of  Public  Records  in  the  same  place.  At  the  Ameri 
can  Philosophical  Society,  the  Library  Company  of 
Philadelphia,  the  Philadelphia  Law  Library,  and  the 
Peabody  Library  in  Baltimore,  I  received  numerous 
favors.  The  accumulations  of  the  local  historical  so 
cieties  were  most  graciously  placed  at  my  disposal,  and 
in  many  cases  I  was  allowed  to  inspect  private  collec 
tions,  particularly  that  of  Mr.  Gilbert  Cope  of  West 
Chester. 

While  I  was  writing  my  book  I  received  helpful  criti 
cism  from  scholars  who  had  studied  various  aspects  of 
the  subject.  Among  others  I  must  mention  Ex-Gov 
ernor  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker  of  Pennsylvania,  Presi 
dent  Isaac  Sharpless  of  Haverford  College,  Professor 
Albert  Bushnell  Hart  of  Harvard  University,  and  Dr. 
William  Roy  Smith  of  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

Last  of  all  it  is  a  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  particu 
lar  obligations  under  which  I  am  to  my  friend,  Mr. 
Albert  Cook  Myers  of  Moylan,  Pennsylvania.  Not  only 
did  he  help  and  encourage  me  at  every  stage  of  my 
task,  but  with  rare  generosity  he  put  at  my  disposal  all 
of  his  own  collections  and  his  vast  knowledge  of  the 
location  of  the  sources  for  Pennsylvania  history.  At 
his  suggestion  and  through  his  recommendation  I  used 
manuscripts  which  I  could  not  have  obtained  otherwise. 
Not  a  few  of  the  facts  contained  in  my  book  were  fur 
nished  by  him  directly. 

EDWARD  RAYMOND  TURNER. 

ANN  ARBOR,  MICHIGAN. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

PREFACE vn 

CHAPTER  I. 
The  Introduction  of  Negroes  into  Pennsylvania    .       i 

CHAPTER  II. 
The  Legal  Status  of  the  Slave        .  .         .     17 

CHAPTER  III. 
Social  and  Economic  Aspects  of  Slavery      .         .     38 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Breaking  up  of  Slavery — Manumission  .         .     54 

CHAPTER  V. 
The  Destruction  of  Slavery — Abolition  .         .         -64 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Intermediate  Status — Servitude  and  Apprentice 
ship    89 

CHAPTER  VII. 
The  Legal  Status  of  the  Free  Negro    .         .         .  109 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Economic  and  Social  Progress      .         .         .         .121 

(xi) 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Race  Prejudice  and  Discrimination       .        .         .  143 

CHAPTER  X. 
The   Suffrage 169 

CHAPTER  XL 
Discrimination  and  Depression     ....   194 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Abolitionism  and  Anti-slavery       ....  206 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Fugitive   Slaves 227 

CONCLUSIONS 250 

APPENDIX       .        .  .  253 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  .        .        .  254 

Manuscripts        .  255 

Newspapers 265 

Books  and  Pamphlets 269 

Pictures 294 

INDEX 295 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  INTO  PENNSYLVANIA. 

THERE  were  negroes  in  the  region  around  the  Dela 
ware  river  before  Pennsylvania  was  founded,  in  the 
days  of  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedes.  As  early  as  1639 
mention  is  made  of  a  convict  sentenced  to  be  taken  to 
South  River  to  serve  among  the  blacks  there.1  In  1644 
Anthony,  a  negro,  is  spoken  of  in  the  service  of  Gov 
ernor  Printz  at  Tinicum,  making  hay  for  the  cattle,  and 
accompanying  the  governor  on  his  pleasure  yacht."  In 
1657  Vice-director  Alricks  was  accused  of  using  the 
Company's  oxen  and  negroes.  Five  years  later  Vice- 
director  Beekman  desired  Governor  Stuyvesant  to  send 
him  a  company  of  blacks.  In  1664  negroes  were  wanted 
to  work  on  the  lowlands  along  the  Delaware.  A  con 
tract  was  to  be  made  for  fifty,  which  the  West  India 
Company  would  furnish."  In  the  same  year,  when  the 

1  Breviate.  Dutch  Records,  no.  2,  fol.  5.  In  2  Pennsylvania  Archives, 
XVI,  234.  Cf.  Hazard,  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  49.  The  "  Proposed 
Freedoms  and  Exemptions  for  New  Netherland,"  1640,  say,  "  The  Com 
pany  shall  exert  itself  to  provide  the  Patroons  and  Colonists,  on  their 
order  with  as  many  Blacks  as  possible  "...  2  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  74. 

8  C.  T.  Odhner.  "The  Founding  of  New  Sweden,  1637-1642",  trans 
lated  by  G.  B.  Keen  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography, 
III,  277. 

•Hazard,  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  331;  O'Callaghan,  Documents  rela 
tive  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  II,  213,  214.  The 
Report  of  the  Board  of  Accounts  on  New  Netherland,  Dec.  15,  1644,  had 
spoken  of  the  need  of  negroes,  the  economy  of  their  labor,  and  had  rec 
ommended  the  importation  of  large  numbers.  2  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  88.  See 
also  Davis,  History  of  Bucks  County,  793. 


2  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

English  captured  New  Amstel,  afterward  New  Castle, 
the  place  was  plundered,  and  a  number  of  negroes  were 
confiscated  and  sold.  From  Peter  Alricks  several  were 
taken ;  of  these  eleven  were  restored  to  him.4  At  least  a 
few  were  living  on  the  shores  of  the  Delaware  River  in 
1 677."  A  year  later  an  emissary  was  sent  by  the  jus 
tices  of  New  Castle  to  request  most  urgently  permission 
to  import  negroes  from  Maryland.9 

Thus  negroes  had  been  brought  into  the  country  be 
fore  Pennsylvania  was  founded.  Immediately  after 
Penn's  coming  there  is  record  of  them  in  his  first 
counties.  They  were  certainly  present  in  Philadelphia 
County  in  1684,  and  in  Chester  in  1687.'  Penn  himself 
noticed  them  in  his  charter  to  the  Free  Society  of 
Traders.  In  1702  they  were  spoken  of  as  numerous." 
By  that  time  merchants  of  Philadelphia  made  the  im- 

4  2  Pa.  Arch.,  XVI,  255,  256;  Hazard,  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  372.    Sir 
Robert  Carr,  writing  to  Colonel  Nicholls,  Oct.   13,   1664,  says,  "  I  have 
already  sent  into  Merryland  some   Necgars  wch   did  belong  to  the  late 
Governor  att  his  plantation  above  "...     2  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  578. 

5  The  Records  of  the  Court  of  New  Castle  give  a  list  of  the  "  Names  of 
the  Tijdable  prsons  Living  in  this  Courts  Jurisdiction  "  in  which  occur 
"  three  negros  ":  "  i  negro  woman  of  Mr.  Moll  ",  "  i  neger  of  Mr.  Al- 
richs  ",  "  Sam  Hedge  and  neger  ".  Book  A,  197-201.    Quoted  in  Pa.  Mag., 
Ill,  352-354.     For  the  active  trade  in  negroes  at  this  time  cf.  MS.  Board 
of  Trade  Journals,   II,    307. 

8  "  Wth  out  wch  wee  cannot  subsist  "  .  .  .MS.  New  Castle  Court 
Records,  Liber  A,  406.  Hazard,  Annals,  456. 

7  "  Ik  hebbe  geen  vaste  Dienstbode,  als  een  Neger  die  ik  gekocht  heb." 
Missive  -van  Cornells  Bom,  Geschreven  nit  de  Stadt  Philadelphia,  etc.,  3. 
(Oct.  12,  1684).     "  Man  hat  hier  auch  Zwartzen  oder  Mohren  zu  Schlaven 
in  der  Arbeit."     Letter,  probably  of  Hermans  Op  den  Graeff,  German- 
town,   Feb.    12,    1684,  in   Sachse,  Letters  relating  to   the  Settlement  of 
Germantown,  25.  Cf.  also  MS.  in  American  Philosophical  Society's  col 
lection,  quoted  in  Pa.  Mag.,  VII,   106:  "  Lacey  Cocke  hath  A  negroe  " 
.  .  .  ,  "  Pattrick  Robbinson- Robert  neverbeegood  his  negor  sarvant  "... 
"  The  Defendts  negros  "  are  mentioned  in  a  suit  for  damages  in  1687. 
See  MS.  Court  Records  of  Penna.  and  Chester  Co.,  1681-1688,  p.  72. 

8  MS.   Ancient  Records  of  Philadelphia,  28  7th  mo.,   1702. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  3 

portation  of  negroes  a  regular  part  of  their  business.9 
Thenceforth  they  are  a  noticeable  factor  in  the  life  of 
the  colony. 

While  there  was  an  active  demand  for  negroes,  there 
was,  nevertheless,  almost  from  the  first,  strong  opposi 
tion  to  importing  them.  This  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  during  the  colonial  period  the  Assembly  of  Pennsyl 
vania  passed  a  long  series  of  acts  imposing  restrictions 
upon  the  traffic.  In  1700  a  maximum  duty  of  twenty 
shillings  was  imposed  on  each  negro  imported.  Five  years 
later  this  duty  was  doubled.10  By  that  time  there  had 
arisen  a  strong  adverse  sentiment,  due  partly  to  economic 
causes,  since  the  white  workmen  complained  that  their 
wages  were  lowered  by  negro  competition,  and  partly 
to  fear  aroused  by  an  insurrection  of  slaves  in  New 
York."  Accordingly  in  1712  the  Assembly  very  boldly 
passed  an  act  to  prevent  importation,  seeking  to  accom 
plish  this  purpose  by  making  the  duty  twenty  pounds 
a  head.  The  law  was  immediately  repealed  in  England, 
the  Crown  not  being  disposed  to  tolerate  such  independ 
ent  action,  nor  willing  to  allow  interference  with  the 
African  Company's  trade."  Either  the  local  feeling  was 
too  strong,  or  the  requirements  were  less,  since  in  spite 
of  this  failure  there  was  for  a  while  a  falling  off  in  the 

•MS.  William  Trent's  Ledger,  156.  For  numerous  references  to  ne 
groes  brought  from  Barbadoes,  see  MS.  Booke  of  accttB  Relating  to  the 
Barquentine  Constant  Ailse  Andw:  Dykes  mastr:  from  March  2Sth  1700 
(_  1702).  (Pa.  State  Lib.) 

10  Statutes  at  Large  of  Pennsylvania   (edited  by   J.   T.   Mitchell  and 
Henry  Flanders),  II,  107.  Ibid.,  II,  285.     The  act  of  1705-1706  was  re 
peated  in  1710-1711.  Ibid.,  II,  383.  Cf.  Colonial  Records  of  Pennsylvania, 
II.  529,  530. 

11  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Prov 
ince  of  Pennsylvania,  I,  pt.  II,  132.  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  433. 

13  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  Proprieties,  IX,  Q,  39,  42.  Stat.  at  L., 
II,  543,  544- 


4  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

number  imported.18  A  more  moderate  duty  of  five 
pounds  was  imposed  in  1715,  but  again  the  English 
authorities  interposed,  repealing  it  in  1719.  Meanwhile 
an  act  to  continue  this  duty  had  been  passed  in  1717- 
1718,  but  apparently  it  was  not  submitted  to  the  Crown. 
In  1720-1721  the  five  pound  duty  was  again  imposed, 
this  act  also  not  being  submitted.  In  1722  the  duty  was 
repeated,  and  once  more  the  law  expired  by  limitation 
before  it  was  sent  up  for  approval.14 

Up  to  this  time  restrictive  legislation  had  been  largely 
frustrated.  It  had  encountered  not  only  the  disapproval 
of  certain  classes  in  Pennsylvania,  but  the  powerful 
opposition  of  the  African  Company,  which  could  count 
on  the  decisive  interposition  of  the  Lords  of  Trade." 
The  Assembly  accordingly  submitted  the  acts  long  after 
they  had  been  passed,  and  made  new  laws  before  the 
old  ones  had  been  disallowed.19  Nevertheless  the  number 

18  Jonathan  Dickinson,  a  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  writing  to  a  cor 
respondent  in  Jamaica,  4th  month,  1715,  says,  "  I  must  entreat  you  to 
send  me  no  more  negroes  for  sale,  for  our  people  don't  care  to  buy.  They 
are  generally  against  any  coming  into  the  country."  I  have  been  unable 
to  find  this  letter.  Watson,  who  quotes  it  (Annals  of  Philadelphia,  II, 
264),  says,  "  Vide  the  Logan  MSS."  Cf.  also  a  letter  of  George  Tiller 
of  Kingston,  Jamaica,  to  Dickinson,  1712.  MS.  Logan  Papers,  VIII,  47. 

™Stat.  at  L.,  Ill,  117,  118;  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  Prop.,  X,  2, 
Q,  159;  Stat.  at  L.,  Ill,  465;  Col.  Rec.,  Ill,  38,  144,  171.  During  this 
period  negroes  were  being  imported  through  the  custom-house  at  the 
rate  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  a  year.  Cf.  Votes  and  Proceedings, 
II,  251. 

15  In   1727  the  iron-masters  of  Pennsylvania  petitioned  for  the  entire 
removal  of  the  duty,  labor  being  so  scarce.    Votes  and  Proceedings,  1726- 
1742,  p.  31.     The  attitude  of  the  English  authorities  is  explained  in  a 
report  of  Richard  Jackson,  March  2,   1774,  on  one  of  the  Pennsylvania 
impost  acts.     "  The  Increase  of  Duty  on  Negroes  in  this  Law  is  Mani 
festly  inconsistent  with  the  Policy  adopted  by  your  Lordships  and  your 
Predecessors  for  the  sake  of  encouraging  the  African  Trade  "...    Board 
of  Trade  Papers,  Prop.,  XXIII,  Z,  54- 

16  Votes  and  Proceedings,  II,  152;  Col.  Rec.,  II,  572,  573;  i  Pa.  Arch., 
I,   160-162;   Votes  and  Proceedings,  1766,  pp.  45,  46.     For  a  complaint 
against  this  practice  cf.  "  Copy  of  a  Representat*  of  the  Board  of  Trade 
upon  some  Pennsylvania  Laws  "  (1713-1714).  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Papers, 
Plantations  General,  IX,  K,  35. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  5 

of  blacks  in  the  colony  had  steadily  increased,  and  in 
1721  was  estimated  to  be  somewhere  between  tweaty- 
five  hundred  and  five  thousand."  The  wrath  of  the 
white  laborers  was  correspondingly  increased,  and  in 
this  year  they  presented  to  the  Assembly  a  petition 
asking  for  a  law  to  prevent  the  hiring  of  blacks.  The 
Assembly  resolved  that  such  a  law  would  be  injurious 
to  the  public  and  unjust  to  those  who  owned  negroes 
and  hired  them  out,  but  the  restrictions  on  importing 
them  were  maintained."  In  1725-1726  the  five  pound 
duty  was  imposed  again,  and  in  the  same  year  five 
pounds  extra  was  placed  upon  every  convict  negro 
brought  into  the  colony.  This  became  law  by  lapse  of 
time." 

In  1729  the  duty  was  reduced  to  two  pounds.  This 
duty  continued  in  force  for  a  generation,  satisfactory 
partly  because  the  opposition  to  importing  negroes 
seems  to  have  been  less  strong,  partly  because  white 
servants  proved  to  be  cheaper  and  more  adapted  to  in 
dustrial  demands.20  The  newspaper  advertisements  an 
nounce  the  arrival  of  many  more  cargoes  of  servants 
than  of  negroes ;  this  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  white 
servants  frequently  ran  away,  often  to  enlist  in  the  wars. 
Referring  to  this  fact  a  message  from  the  Assembly  to 
the  governor  says  that  while  the  King  has  seemed  to  de 
sire  the  importation  of  servants  rather  than  of  negroes, 

»  O'Callaghan,  N.   Y.  Col.  Docs.,  V,  604. 

18  Votes  and  Proceedings,   II,   347. 

"Stat.  at  L.t  IV,  52-56,  60;  Col.  Rec.,  Ill,  247,  248,  250. 

»  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  123-128;  Col.  Rec.,  Ill,  359;  Smith,  History  of  Dela 
ware  County,  261.  For  a  while,  no  doubt,  there  was  a  considerable  influx. 
Ralph  Sandiford  says  (1730),  "  We  have  negroes  flocking  in  upon  us 
since  the  duty  on  them  is  reduced  to  40  shillings  per  head."  Mystery  of 
Iniquity,  (2d  ed.),  5-  Many  of  these  were  smuggled  in  from  New 
Jersey,  where  there  was  no  duty  from  1721  to  1767.  Cooley,  A  Study  of 
Slavery  in  New  Jersey,  15,  16. 


6  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

yet  the  enlistment  acts  make  such  property  so  pre 
carious,  that  it  seems  to  depend  on  the  will  of  the  servant 
and  the  pleasure  of  the  officer.21  Nevertheless  the  num 
ber  of  negroes  brought  in  steadily  dwindled.  By  1750 
importation  had  nearly  ceased.28 

A  few  years  later  the  great  efforts  made  in  the  last 
French  and  Indian  War  caused  loud  complaints  again 
about  enlisting  servants.  It  was  feared  that  people 
would  be  driven  to  the  necessity  of  providing  themselves 
with  negro  slaves,  as  property  in  them  seemed  more 
secure.  This  is  probably  just  what  occurred,  for  the 
increase  of  negroes  is  said  to  have  been  alarming.*8  As 
a  result  restrictive  legislation  was  tried  again  in  1761, 
when  the  duty  was  made  ten  pounds.  The  law  was 
carried  only  after  considerable  effort.  While  the  bill 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  governor  a  petition  was  sent  to 
him,  signed  by  twenty-four  merchants  of  Philadelphia, 
who  set  forth  the  scarcity  and  high  price  of  labor,  and 
their  need  of  slaves.  After  two  months'  contest  the  bill 
was  passed.  One  provision  of  the  act  was  that  a  new 
settler  need  not  pay  the  duty  if  he  did  not  sell  his  slave 
within  eighteen  months.24  In  1768  this  act  was  renewed. 

21  Cargoes  of  servants  are  advertised  in  the  American  Weekly  Mercury, 
the  Pennsylvania  Packet,  and  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  passim.     As  to 
enlistment  of  servants  cf.  Mercury,  Gazette,  Aug.  7,  1740;  Col.  Rec.t  IV, 
437.     Complaint  about  this  had  been  made  as  early  as  1711.     Votes  and 
Proceedings,   II,   101,   103. 

22  Smith,  History  of  Delaware  County,  261;  Peter  Kalm,   Travels  into 
North  America,  etc.,   (1748),  I,  391. 

28  Col.  Rec.,  VII,  37,  38. 

34  S tat.  at  L.,  VI,  104-110;  Votes  and  Proceedings,  1761,  pp.  25,  29,  33, 
38,  39,  40,  41,  52,  55,  63;  Col.  Rec.,  VIII,  575,  576.  "The  Petition  of 
Divers  Merchants  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  To  The  Honble  James 
Hamilton  Esqr.  Lieut.  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  Hum 
bly  Sheweth,  That  We  the  Subscribers  .  .  .  have  seen  for  some  time  past, 
the  many  inconveniencys  the  Inhabitants  have  suffer'd,  for  want  of  La 
bourers,  and  Artificers,  by  Numbers  being  Inlisted  for  His  Majestys 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  7 

In  1773  it  was  made  perpetual,  the  former  law  having 
been  found  to  be  of  great  public  utility ;  but  the  duty  was 
raised  to  twenty  pounds.  Once  more  the  act  became  law 
by  lapse  of  time.*5 

The  act  of  1773  was  the  last  one  which  the  Assembly 
passed  to  limit  the  importation  of  negroes.  Not  only 
was  the  duty  sufficiently  high,  now,  but  its  presence  was 
hardly  needed.2*  A  silent  but  powerful  movement  was 
overthrowing  slavery  in  Pennsylvania;  and  in  a  short 
time  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary  War  brought 
the  traffic  to  an  end.  Shortly  thereafter,  in  1780,  the 
state  did  what  England  had  never  permitted  while  she 
held  authority:  forbade  the  importation  of  slaves  en 
tirely.27 

The  real  reason  for  the  passage  of  these  laws  is  not 
always  clear.  They  may  have  been  passed  either  to  keep 
negroes  out,28  or  to  raise  revenue  for  the  govern- 

Service  and  near  a  total  stop  to  the  importation  of  German  and  other 
white  Servants,  have  for  some  time  encouraged  the  importation  of 
Negros,  .  .  .  that  an  advantage  may  be  gain'd  by  the  Introduction  of 
Slaves,  wch  will  likewise  be  a  means  of  reduceing  the  exorbitant  Price  of 
Labour,  and  in  all  Probability  bring  our  staple  Commoditys  to  their  usual 
Prices."  MS.  Provincial  Papers,  XXV,  March  i,  1761. 

*Stat.  at  L.t  VII,  158,  159;  VIII,  330-332;  Col.  Rec.,  IX,  400,  401, 
443,  ff.;  X,  72,  77.  The  Board  of  Trade  Journals,  LXXXII,  47,  (May 
5,  1774),  say  that  their  lordships  had  some  discourse  with  Dr.  Franklin 
"  upon  the  objections  ...  to  ...  imposing  Duties  amounting  to  a  pro 
hibition  upon  the  Importation  of  Negroes." 

*Cf.  MS.  Provincial  Papers,  XXXII,  January,  1775. 

27  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  72,  73.  It  was  forbidden  by  implication  rather  than 
specific  regulation.  It  had  been  foreseen  that  an  act  for  gradual  abolition 
entailed  stopping  the  importation  of  negroes.  Pa.  Packet,  Nov.  28,  1778; 
i  Pa.  Arch.,  VII,  79- 

38  Professor  E.  P.  Cheyney  in  an  article  written  some  years  ago  ("  The 
Condition  of  Labor  in  Early  Pennsylvania,  I.  Slavery,"  in  The  Manufac- 
urer,  Feb.  2,  1891,  p.  8)  considers  these  laws  to  have  been  restrictive  in 
purpose,  and  gives  three  causes  for  their  passage,  in  the  following  order 
of  importance:  (a)  dread  of  slave  insurrections,  (b)  opposition  of  the 
free  laboring  classes  to  slave  competition,  (c)  conscientious  objections.  I 


8  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

merit.29  An  analysis  of  the  laws  themselves  seems  to 
show  that  both  of  these  purposes  were  constantly  in 
mind.80  When,  however,  they  are  taken  in  connection 
with  matters  which  they  themselves  do  not  mention, 
namely,  the  predominance  of  the  Quakers  in  the  colonial 
Assembly  together  with  the  abhorrence  which  they  felt 
for  the  slave-trade  and  later  for  slavery  itself,81  it  be- 

cannot  think  that  this  is  correct,  (a)  seems  to  have  been  the  impelling 
motive  only  in  connection  with  the  law  of  1712,  and  seems  rarely  to  have 
been  thought  of.  It  was  urged  in  1740,  1741,  and  1742,  when  efforts  were 
being  made  to  pass  a  militia  law  in  Pennsylvania,  but  it  attracted  little 
attention.  Cf.  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  Prop.,  XV,  T:  54,  57,  60. 

29  In  a  MS.  entitled  "  William  Penn's  Memorial  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 
relating  to  several  laws  passed  in  Pensilvania,"  assigned  to  the  year  1690 
in  the  collection  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  but  probably 
belonging  to  a  later  period,  is  the  following:  "  These  .  .  .  Acts  ...  to  Raise 
money  ...  to  defray  publick  Exigences  in  such  manner  as  after  a  Mature 
deliberacon  they  thought  would  not  be  burthensom  particularly  in  the  Act 
for  laying  a  Duty  on  Negroes  "...  MS.  Pa.  Miscellaneous  Papers,  1653- 
1724,  p.  24. 

80  1700.     20  shillings  for  negroes  over  sixteen  years  of  age,  6  for  those 
under  sixteen.    No  cause  given.    Apparently  (terms  of  the  act)  revenue. — 
1705-1706.     40   shillings — a  draw-back  of  one   half  if  the   negro   be   re- 
exported  within  six  months.     Apparently  revenue. — 1710.    40  shillings — 
excepting  those  imported  by  immigrants  for  their  own  use,  and  not  sold 
within  a  year.     Almost  certainly  (preamble)  revenue. — 1712.    20  pounds. 
The  causes  were  a  dread  of  insurrection  because  of  the  negro  uprising 
in    New   York,   and  the   Indians'    dislike   of   the   importation   of   Indian 
slaves.     Purpose  undoubtedly  restriction. — 1715.    5  pounds.     Apparently 
(character    of    the    provisions)    restriction    and    revenue. — 1717-1718.    5 
pounds.      To   continue   the   preceding.      Restriction   and  revenue. — 1720- 
1721.  5  pounds.     To  continue  the  preceding.     Revenue   (preamble)   and 
restriction. — 1722.   5   pounds.     To  continue  provisions   of  previous  acts. 
Revenue  and  restriction. — 1725-1726.     5  pounds.     Revenue  and  restric 
tion. — 1729.  2  pounds.     Reduction  made  probably  because  since  1712  none 
of  the  laws  had  been  allowed  to  stand  for  any  length  of  time,  and  because 
there   had   been   much   smuggling.      Revenue   and   restriction. — 1761.    10 
pounds.     No  cause  given  for  the  increase.     Restriction  and  revenue. — 
1768.     Preceding  continued — "  of  public  utility."     Restriction  and  reve 
nue. — 1773.      Preceding    made    perpetual — "of    great    public    utility" — 
but  duty  raised  to  20  pounds.     Restriction.  Cf.  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  107,  285, 
383,  433;  III,  117,  159,  238,  275;  IV,  52,  123;  VI,  104;  VII,  158;  VIII, 
330. 

81  See  below,  chapters  IV  and  V. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  9 

comes  probable  that  the  predominant  motive  was  restric 
tion."  It  is  also  probable  that  while  the  obtaining  of 
revenue  was  the  obvious  motive  in  many  of  these  acts, 
yet  revenue  was  so  raised  precisely  because  Pennsylva 
nia  desired  to  keep  negroes  out;  that  imported  slaves 
were  taxed  largely  for  reasons  similar  to  those  which 
caused  the  Stuarts  to  tax  colonial  tobacco,  and  which 
lead  modern  governments  to  tax  spirituous  liquors  and 
opium.  It  may  be  added  that  Pennsylvania  always  held, 
both  in  colonial  times  and  afterwards,  that  England 
forced  slavery  upon  her.  That  there  was  much  justice 
in  this  complaint  the  failure  of  the  earlier  legislation 
goes  far  to  sustain." 

The  negroes  imported  were  brought  sometimes  in 
cargoes,  more  often  a  few  at  a  time.  They  came  mostly 
from  the  West  Indies,  many  being  purchased  in  Barba- 
does,  Jamaica,  Antigua,  and  St.  Christophers.84  As  a 

•  "  Man  hat  besonders  in  Pensylvanien  den  Grundsatz  angenommen  ihre 
Einfuhrung  so  viel  moglich  abzuhalten  "...  Achentvall's  in  Gottingen  iiber 
Nordamerika  und  iiber  dasige  Grosbritannische  Colonien  aus  mundlichen 
Nachrichten  des  Herrn  Dr.  Franklins  .  .  .  Anmerkungen,  24,  25.  (About 
1760). 

»Stat.  at  L.,  X,  67,  68;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  I,  306.  Cf.  Mr.  Woodward's 
speech,  Jan.  19,  1838,  Proceedings  and  Debates  of  the  Convention  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  to  Propose  Amendments  to  the  Consti 
tution,  etc.,  X,  1 6,  17. 

94  "  Aus  Pennsylvanien  .  .  .  fahren  gen  Barbadoes,  Jamaica  und  Antego. 
Von  dar  bringen  sie  zuruck  .  .  .  Negros."  Daniel  Falkner,  Curieuse  Nach- 
richt  von  Pennsylvania  in  Norden-America,  etc.,  (1702),  192.  For  a  ne 
gro  woman  from  Jamaica  (1715),  see  MS.  Court  Papers,  Philadelphia 
County,  1619-1732.  Also  numerous  advertisements  in  the  newspapers. 
Mercury,  Apr.  17,  1729,  (Barbadoes);  July  31,  1729,  (Bermuda);  July 
23,  1730,  (St.  Christophers);  Jan.  21,  1739,  (Antigua).  Oldmixon,  speak 
ing  of  Pennsylvania,  says,  "  Negroes  sell  here  .  .  .  very  well;  but  not  by  the 
Ship  Loadings,  as  they  have  sometimes  done  at  Maryland  and  Virginia." 
(1741.)  British  Empire  in  America,  etc.,  (2d  ed.),  I,  316.  Cf.  however  the 
following:  "  A  PARCEL  of  likely  Negro  Boys  and  Girls  just  arrired  in 
the  Sloop  Charming  Sally  ...  to  be  sold  ...  for  ready  Money,  Flour  or 
Wheat  "...  Advt.  in  Pa.  Gazette,  Sept.  4,  1740.  For  a  consignment  of 
seventy  see  MS.  Provincial  Papers,  XXVII,  Apr.  26,  1766. 


io  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

rule  they  were  imported  by  the  merchants  of  Philadel 
phia,  and,  being  received  in  exchange  for  grain,  flour, 
lumber,  and  staves,  helped  to  make  up  the  balance  of 
trade  between  Philadelphia  and  the  islands.85  A  few 
seem  to  have  been  obtained  directly  from  Africa.  When 
so  brought,  however,  they  were  found  to  be  unable  to 
endure  the  winter  cold  in  Pennsylvania,  so  that  it  was 
considered  preferable  to  buy  the  second  generation  in 
the  West  Indies,  after  they  had  become  acclimated.39 
Some  were  brought  from  other  colonies  on  the  main 
land,  particularly  those  to  the  south.  At  times  Penn 
sylvania  herself  exported  a  few  to  other  places."  The 
prices  paid  in  the  colony  naturally  fluctuated  from  time 
to  time  in  accordance  with  supply  and  demand,  and 
varied  within  certain  limits  according  to  the  age  and 
personal  qualities  of  each  negro.  The  usual  price  for 
an  adult  seems  to  have  been  somewhere  near  forty 
pounds.38 

85  Cf.  MS.  William  Trent's  Ledger,  "Negroes"  (1703-1708).  Isaac 
Norris,  Letter  Book,  75,  76  (1732).  For  a  statement  of  profit  and  loss 
on  two  imported  negroes,  see  ibid.,  77.  In  this  case  Isaac  Norris  acted  as 
a  broker,  charging  five  per  cent.  For  the  wheat  and  flour  trade  with 
Barbadoes,  see  A  Letter  from  Doctor  More  ,  .  .  Relating  to  the  .  .  . 
Province  of  Pennsilvania,  5.  (1686). 

36  Some  were  probably  brought  from  Africa  by  pirates.    Cf.  MS.  Board 
of  Trade   Papers,   Prop.,  Ill,  285,  286;    IV,   369;   V,   408.     The  hazard 
involved  in  the  purchase  of  negroes  is  revealed  in  the  following:  "  Acco* 
of  Negroes  Dr  to  Tho.  Willen  £17:  io  for  a  New  Negro  Man  ...  £15  and 
50  Sh.  more  if  he  live  to  the  Spring  "...  MS.  James  Logan's  Account 
Book,  91,  (1714).     As  to  the  effect  of  cold  weather  upon  negroes,  Isaac 
Norris,  writing  to  Jonathan  Dickinson  in   1703,   says,  .  .  .  "they're   So 
Chilly  they  Can  hardly  Stir  fro  the  fire  and  Wee  have  Early  beginning 
for  a  hard  Wintr."  MS.  Letter  Book,  1702-1704,  p.   109.     In  1748  Kalm 
says,  ..."  the  toes  and  fingers  of  the  former  "  (negroes)  "  are  frequently 
frozen."     Travels,  I,  392. 

37  Mercury,  Sept.  26,   1723.     MS.  Penn  Papers,  Accounts   (unbound), 
27   3d  mo.,   1741.     Also  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and   West 
Indies,  1697-1698,  p.  390;  Col.  Rec.,  IV,  515;  Pa.  Mag.,  XXVII,  320. 

88  A  Report  of  the  Royal  African  Company,  Nov.  2,  1680,  purports  to 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  11 

As  to  the  number  of  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  at  dif 
ferent  times  during  the  colonial  period  almost  any  esti 
mate  is  at  best  conjecture.  Not  only  are  there  few 
official  reports,  but  these  reports,  in  the  absence  of  any 
definite  census,  are  of  little  value.89  Apparently  one  of 
the  best  estimates  was  that  made  in  1721,  which  stated 
the  number  of  blacks  at  anywhere  between  2,500  and 
5,000.*°  In  1751  it  was  at  least  widely  believed  that 

show  the  first  cost:  "That  the  Negros  cost  them  the  first  price  5!!:  and 
4li:  155.  the  freight,  besides  25!*  p  cent  which  they  lose  by  the  usual 
mortality  of  the  Negros."  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Journals,  III,  229.  The 
selling  price  had  been  considered  immoderate  four  years  previous.  Ibid., 
I,  236.  In  1723  Peter  Baynton  sold  "  a  negroe  man  named  Jemy  ...  30 
£."  Loose  sheet  in  Peter  Baynton's  Ledger.  In  1729  a  negro  twenty-five 
years  old  brought  35  pounds  in  Chester  County.  MS.  Chester  County 
Papers,  89.  The  Moravians  of  Bethlehem  purchased  a  negress  in  1748  for 
70  pounds.  Pa.  Mag.,  XXII,  503.  Peter  Kalm  (1748)  says  that  a  full 
grown  negro  cost  from  40  pounds  to  100  pounds;  a  child  of  two  or  three 
years,  8  pounds  to  14  pounds.  Travels,  I,  393,  394.  Mittelberger  (1750) 
says  200  to  350  florins  (33  to  58  pounds).  Journey  to  Pennsylvania  in  the 
Year  1750,  etc.,  106.  Franklin  (1751)  in  a  very  careful  estimate  thought 
that  the  price  would  average  about  30  pounds.  Works  (ed.  Sparks),  II, 
314.  Acrelius  (about  1759)  says  30  to  40  pounds.  Description  of  .  .  .  New 
Sweden,  etc.  (translation  of  W.  M.  Reynolds,  1874,  in  Memoirs  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  XI),  p.  168.  A  negro  iron-worker 
brought  50  pounds  at  Bethlehem  in  1760.  Pa.  Mag.,  XXII,  503.  In 
1790  Edward  Shippen  writes  of  a  slave  who  cost  him  too  pounds.  Ibid., 
VII,  31.  It  is  probable  that  the  value  of  a  slave  was  roughly  about  three 
times  that  of  a  white  servant.  Cf.  Votes  and  Proceedings  (1764),  V,  308. 

*•  In  1708  the  Board  of  Trade  requested  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania 
that  very  definite  information  on  a  variety  of  subjects  relating  to  the 
negro  be  transmitted  thereafter  half  yearly.  Were  these  records  available 
they  would  be  worth  more  than  all  the  remaining  information.  Cf.  MS. 
Provincial  Papers,  I,  April  15,  1708;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  I,  152,  153. 

10  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  V,  604.  As  to  the  necessity  for  allowing  so  large 
a  margin  in  these  figures  cf.  the  following.  "  The  number  of  the  whites 
are  said  to  be  Sixty  Thousand,  and  of  the  Black  about  five  Thousand." 
Col.  Hart's  Answer,  etc.,  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  Prop.,  XI,  R:  7. 
(1720).  "  The  number  of  People  in  this  Province  may  be  computed  to 
above  40,000  Souls  amongst  whom  we  have  scarce  any  Blacks  except  a 
few  Household  Servants  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia  "...  Letter  of  Sir 
William  Keith,  ibid.,  XI,  R:  42.  (1722).  Another  communication  gave 
the  true  state  of  the  case,  if  not  the  exact  numbers.  "  This  Government 
has  not  hitherto  had  Occasion  to  use  any  methods  that  can  furnish  us 


12  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

there  were  in  Philadelphia  6,000,  and  it  is  asserted  that 
the  total  number  in  Pennsylvania  including  the  Lower 
Counties  was  i  i,ooo.41  It  is  probable  that  the  same  num 
ber  was  not  much  exceeded  in  Pennsylvania  proper  at 
any  time  before  1790.  In  these  estimates  no  attempt  was 
made  to  distinguish  the  free  from  the  slaves.  The  num 
ber  of  slaves,  it  is  true,  was  very  near  the  total  at  both 
these  periods,  but  after  the  middle  of  the  century  it  be 
gan  dwindling  as  the  number  of  negro  servants  and  free 
men  increased.  In  1780  a  careful  estimate  placed  the 
slaves  at  6,ooo.42  According  to  the  Federal  census  of 
1790  the  number  of  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  was 
10,274." 

Of  these  negroes  the  great  majority  throughout  the 
slavery  period  were  located  in  the  southeastern  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  and  around  Philadelphia.  There  were 
many  in  Bucks,  Chester,  Lancaster,  Montgomery,  and 
York  counties.  There  were  negroes  near  the  site  of 

with  an  exact  Estimate,  but  as  near  as  can  at  present  be  guessed  there 
may  be  about  Forty  five  thousand  Souls  of  Whites  and  four  thousand 
Blacks."  Major  Gordon's  answer  to  Queries,  ibid.,  XIII,  S:  34.  (1730- 
I73O. 

41  William  Douglass,  A  Summary,  Historical  and  Political,  .  .  .  of  the 
British  Settlements  in  North-America,  etc.  (ed.  1755),  II,  324;  Abiel 
Holmes,  American  Annals,  etc.,  II,  187;  Bancroft,  History  of  the  United 
States  (author's  last  revision),  II,  391. 

43  Letter  in  Pa.  Packet,  Jan  i,  1780.  This  made  allowance  for  the  num 
erous  runaways  during  the  British  occupation  of  Philadelphia.  Also  ibid., 
Dec.  25,  1779;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  XI,  74,  75.  For  a  higher  estimate,  10,000,  for 
1780  but  made  in  1795,  see  MS.  Collection  of  the  Records  of  the  Pa. 
Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.,  IV,  in. 

48  Slaves,  3,737;  free,  6,537.  Other  enumerations  occur,  but  are  evi 
dently  without  value.  Oldmixon  (1741),  3,600.  British  Empire  in 
America,  I,  321.  Burke  (1758),  about  6,000.  An  Account  of  the  Euro 
pean  Settlements  in  America,  II,  204.  Abbe  Raynal  (1766),  30,000.  A 
Philosophical  and  Political  History  of  the  British  Settlements  ...  in  North 
America  (tr.  1776),  I,  163.  A  communication  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth 
O773).  2,000.  MS.  Provincial  Papers,  Jan.  1775;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  IV,  597. 
Smyth  (1782),  over  100,000.  A  Tour  in  the  United  States  of  America, 
etc.,  II,  309. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  13 

Columbia  by  1726.  John  Harris  had  slaves  by  the  Sus- 
quehanna  as  early  as  1733.  In  1759  Hugh  Mercer 
wrote  from  the  vicinity  of  Pittsburg  asking  for  two 
negro  girls  and  a  boy.  The  tax-lists  and  local  accounts 
reveal  their  presence  in  many  other  places.44  Doubtless 
a  few  might  be  traced  wherever  white  people  settled 
permanently.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  they  were 
owned  in  the  English,  Welsh,  and  Scotch-Irish  commu 
nities.  The  Germans  as  a  rule  held  no  slaves. 

Where  negroes  were  owned  they  were  for  the  most 
part  evenly  distributed,  there  being  few  large  holdings. 
In  rare  instances  a  considerable  number  is  recorded  as 
belonging  to  one  man,  and  the  iron-masters  generally 
had  several.  The  tax-lists,  however,  indicate  that  the 
average  holding  was  one  or  two,  except  in  Philadelphia 
among  the  wealthier  classes  where  it  was  double  that 
number.4* 

The  character  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  was  in 
many  respects  unique,  but  in  no  way  was  this  so  true  as 
in  connection  with  the  number  of  negroes  held.  Gener 
ally  speaking,  the  farther  south  a  section  lay  the  more 

"MS.  (Samuel  Wright),  A  Journal  of  Our  Rem(oval)  from  Chester 
and  Darby  (to)  Conestogo  .  .  .  1726,  copied  by  A.  C.  Myers;  Morgan,  An 
nals  of  Harrisburg,  9-11;  Col.  Rec.,  VIII,  305,  306.  Tax-lists  printed  in 
3  Pa.  Arch.  Also  Davis,  Hist,  of  Bucks  Co.,  793;  Futhey  and  Cope,  Hist, 
of  Chester  Co.,  423  425;  Ellis  and  Evans,  Hist,  of  Lancaster  Co.,  301; 
Gibson,  Hist,  of  York  Co.,  498;  Bean,  Hist,  of  Montgomery  Co.,  302; 
Lytle,  Hist,  of  Huntingdon  Co.,  182;  Blackman,  Hist,  of  Susquehanna 
Co.,  72;  Creigh,  Hist,  of  Washington  Co.,  362;  Bausman,  Hist,  of  Beaver 
Co.,  I,  152,  153;  Linn,  Annals  of  Buffalo  Valley,  66-74;  Peck,  Wyoming; 
its  History,  etc.,  240. 

48  MS.  Assessment  Books,  Chester  Co.,  1765,  p.  197;  1768,  p.  326;  1780, 
p.  95;  MS.  Assessment  Book,  Phila.  Co.,  1769.  As  early  as  1688  Henry 
Jones  of  Moyamensing  had  thirteen  negroes.  MS.  Phila.  Wills,  Book  A, 
84.  An  undated  MS.  entitled  "  A  List  of  my  Negroes  "  shows  that  Jona 
than  Dickinson  had  thirty-two.  Dickinson  Papers,  unclassified.  An 
owner  in  York  County  is  said  to  have  had  one  hundred  and  fifty.  3  Pa. 
Arch.,  XXI,  71.  This  is  probably  a  misprint. 


14  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

slaves  did  it  possess.  Thus  there  were  fewer  in  New 
England  than  in  the  middle  colonies ;  there  were  fewer 
there  than  in  the  South.  But  to  this  rule  Pennsylvania 
was  an  exception,  for  it  had  fewer  negroes  than  New 
Jersey,  and  not  half  so  many  as  New  York.49  This  was 
due  to  two  sets  of  causes :  the  first,  ethical ;  the  second, 
economic.  The  first  of  these  are  easily  understood. 
They  resulted  from  the  character  of  many  of  the  people 
who  settled  Pennsylvania,  their  dislike  for  slavery,  and 
their  refusal  to  hold  slaves.  The  second  are  not  so 
easily  traceable,  but  were  doubtless  more  powerful  in 
their  influence,  for  they  were  owing  to  the  character  of 
Pennsylvania's  industrial  growth. 

The  plantation  system,  which  is  most  favorable  to  the 
increase  of  slavery,  never  appeared  in  Pennsylvania. 
During  the  whole  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  activ 
ities  of  the  colony  developed  along  two  lines  not  favor 
able  to  negro  labor :  small  farming,  and  manufacturing 
and  commerce.47  The  small  farms  were  almost  always 
held  by  people  who  were  too  poor  to  purchase  slaves,  at 
least  for  a  long  while,  and  the  kind  of  farming  was  not 
such  as  to  make  slavery  particularly  profitable.  In  com 
merce  no  large  number  of  negroes  was  ever  employed, 
while  manufacturing  demanded  a  higher  grade  of  labor 
than  slaves  could  give.  It  is  true  that  in  some  cases 
where  there  was  an  approach  to  the  factory  system,  and 
where  the  work  was  rough  and  needed  little  skill,  slaves 
could  answer  every  purpose.  For  this  reason  at  the  old 

46  In  1790  the  numbers  were  as  follows:  New  York,  21,324  slaves,  4,654 
free,   total   25,978;   New  Jersey,    11,423   slaves,   4,402   free,   total   15,825; 
Pennsylvania,  3,737  slaves,  6,537  free,  total   10,274. 

47  On   Pennsylvania's  amazing  commercial   and  industrial  activity  see 
Anderson,  Historical  and  Chronological  Deductions  of  the  Origin  of  Com 
merce,  etc.   (1762),  III,  75-77. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGROES  15 

ironworks  negroes  were  in  demand.48  As  a  rule,  how 
ever,  this  was  not  the  case.  It  was  because  of  its  indus 
trial  character  that  Pennsylvania  was  peculiarly  the 
colony  of  indentured  white  servants. 

Furthermore,  ethical  and  economic  influences  inter 
acted  with  subtle  and  powerful  force.  Barring  all  other 
considerations,  the  cost  of  a  slave  was  a  considerable 
item,  not  to  be  afforded  by  a  struggling  settler ;  hence 
slavery  never  attained  magnitude  on  the  frontier.  Be 
fore  1700  Pennsylvania  was  all  frontier;  hence  it  had 
very  few  negroes.  In  the  period  from  1700  to  about 
1750  the  country  between  the  Delaware  and  the  Susque- 
hanna  was  filled  up,  and  the  early  conditions  largely  dis 
appeared.  It  was  then  that  the  greatest  number  of 
negroes  was  introduced.  In  the  period  between  the 
middle  of  the  century  and  the  Revolution  this  older 
country  became  well  developed  and  prosperous ;  farms 
became  larger  and  better  cultivated ;  there  were  numer 
ous  respectable  manufacturers  and  wealthy  merchants. 
These  men  could  easily  afford  to  have  slaves,  and  large 
importations  might  have  been  expected ;  but  there  was 
no  great  influx  of  negroes.  Economic  conditions  were 
favorable,  but  ethical  influences  worked  strongly  against 
it.  In  this  eastern  half  of  Pennsylvania  two  racial  ele 
ments  predominated:  the  Germans  and  the  English 
Quakers.  The  Germans  had  abstained  from  slave- 
holding  from  the  first ;  *°  the  Quakers  were  now  coming 
to  abhor  it.00  The  same  play  of  causes  was  seen  again  in 
the  "  old  West."  After  1750  in  the  mountains  and  val 
leys  beyond  the  Susquehanna  the  earlier  frontier  condi- 

48  See  below,  p.  41. 

*•  See  below,  chapters  IV  and  V. 

80  See  below,  ibid. 


16  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

tions  were  lived  over  again.  Here  the  settlers  were 
largely  Scotch-Irish,  and  had  no  dislike  for  slavery,  but 
as  yet  the  conditions  of  their  life  did  not  favor  it.  When 
finally  western  Pennsylvania  passed  out  of  the  frontier 
stage,  and  its  inhabitants  could  purchase  negroes,  the 
days  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  were  nearly  over.81  For 
all  of  these  reasons  from  first  to  last  Pennsylvania's 
slave  population  remained  small. 

81  Nevertheless  slavery  took  root  in  the  western  counties,  and  lingered 
there  longer  than  anywhere  else  in  Pennsylvania. 


CHAPTER  II. 
LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE. 

THE  legal  origin  of  slavery l  in  Pennsylvania  is  not 
easy  to  discover,  for  the  statute  of  1700,  which  seems  to 
have  recognized  slavery  there,  is,  like  similar  statutes  in 
some  of  the  other  American  colonies,  very  indirect  and 
uncertain  in  its  wording.  Before  this  time,  it  is  true, 
there  occur  instances  where  negroes  were  held  for  life, 
so  that  undoubtedly  there  was  de  facto  slavery ;  but  by 
what  authority  it  existed,  or  how  it  began,  is  not  clear. 
It  may  have  grown  up  to  meet  the  necessities  of  a  new 
country.  It  may  have  been  an  inheritance  from  earlier 
colonists.  More  probably  still,  it  developed  by  diverg 
ing  from  temporary  servitude  which,  in  the  case  of  white 
servants  at  least,  flourished  among  the  earliest  English 
settlers  in  the  region. 

It  is  probable  that  slavery  existed  among  the  Dutch  of 
New  Netherland,  and  possibly  among  the  Swedes  along 
the  Delaware.1  In  1664  their  settlements  passed  under 
English  authority.  To  regulate  them  the  so-called 
"  Duke  of  York's  Laws  "  were  promulgated.  Mean 
while  around  the  estuary  of  the  Delaware  English  col 
onists  were  settling  with  their  negroes.  In  1676,  five 

1  Throughout  this  work  the  fundamental  distinction  between  the  words 
"  slave  "  and  "  servant,"  as  used  in  the  text,  is  that  "  slave  "  denotes  a 
person  held  for  life,  "  servant  "  a  person  held  for  a  term  of  years  only. 

*  Cf.  O'Callaghan,  Voyages  of  the  Slavers  St.  John  and  Arms  of  Am 
sterdam,  etc.,  100,  for  a  bill  of  sale,  1646.  Sprinchorn,  Kolonien  Nya 
Sveriges  Historia,  217. 

3  I7 


i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

years  before  Penn  set  out  for  his  territories,  the  Duke's 
laws  seem  to  have  been  obeyed  in  part  of  the  Delaware 
River  country.8  In  these  laws  servants  for  life  are  ex 
plicitly  mentioned.  In  them  it  is  also  ordained  that  no 
Christian  shall  be  held  in  bond  slavery  or  villenage.* 
This  latter  may  be  a  tacit  permission  to  hold  heathen 
negroes  as  slaves. 

Not  much  can  be  based  upon  the  Duke  of  York's  laws 
since  their  meaning  upon  this  latter  point  is  doubtful. 
Moreover,  when  Penn  founded  his  colony  they  were 
superseded  after  a  short  time  by  laws  enacted  in  Penn 
sylvania  assemblies.  In  the  years  following  at  first  no 
act  was  passed  recognizing  slavery,  but  that  some  slaves 
were  held  there  is  apparent.  Numerous  little  pieces  of 
evidence  may  be  accumulated  indicating  that  there  were 
negroes  who  were  not  being  held  as  servants  for  a  term 
of  years,  nor  does  anything  appear  to  indicate  that  this 
was  looked  upon  as  illegal.8  In  1685  William  Penn, 

»MS.   Record  of  the  Court  at  Upland  in  Penn.,  Sept.  25,   1676. 

4 "  No  Christian  shall  be  kept  in  Bondslavery  villenage  or  Captivity, 
Except  Such  who  shall  be  Judged  thereunto  by  Authority,  or  such  as 
willingly  have  sould,  or  shall  sell  themselves,"  .  .  .  Laws  of  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  preceded  by  the  Duke  of  York's  Laws,  etc.,  12. 
This  is  not  to  prejudice  any  masters  "  who  have  .  .  .  Apprentices  for 
Terme  of  Years,  or  other  Servants  for  Term  of  years  or  Life."  Ibid..  12. 
Another  clause  directs  that  "  No  Servant,  except  such  are  duly  so  for 
life,  shall  be  Assigned  over  to  other  Masters  ...  for  above  the 
Space  of  one  year,  unless  for  good  reasons  offered  ".  Ibid.,  38. 

8  There  is  an  evident  distinction  intended  in  the  following:  "  A  List  of 
the  Tydable  psons  James  Sanderling  and  slave  John  Test  and  servant." 
One  follows  the  other.  MS.  Rec.  Court  at  Upland,  Nov.  13,  1677.  In 
1686  the  price  of  a  negro,  30  pounds,  named  in  a  law-suit,  is  probably 
that  of  a  slave.  MS.  Minute  Book.  Common  Pleas  and  Quarter  Sessions. 
Bucks  Co.,  1684-1730,  pp.  56,  57.  A  will  made  in  1694  certainly  disposed 
of  the  within  mentioned  negroes  for  life.  "  I  do  hereby  give  . .  .  powr  ...  to 
my  sd  Exers  .  . .  eithr  to  lett  or  hire  out  my  five  negroes  .  .  .  and  pay  my  sd 
wife  the  one  half  of  their  wages  Yearly  during  her  life  or  Othrwise  give 
her  such  Compensacon  for  her  infest  therein  as  shee  and  my  sd  Exers 
shall  agree  upon  and  my  will  is  that  the  other  half  of  their  sd  wages 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  19 

writing  to  his  steward  at  Pennsbury,  said  that  it  would 
be  better  to  have  blacks  to  work  the  place,  since  they 
might  be  held  for  life.'  In  the  same  year  by  the  terms  of 
a  recorded  deed  a  negro  was  sold  to  a  new  master  "  for 
ever."7  Three  years  later  the  Friends  of  Germantown 
issued  their  celebrated  protest  against  slavery,8  while  in 
1693  George  Keith  denounced  the  practice  of  enslaving 
men  and  holding  them  in  perpetual  bondage.8  Mean 
while  no  law  was  made  authorizing  slavery  in  the  col 
ony,  and  no  court  seems  to  have  been  called  upon  to  de 
cide  whether  slavery  was  legal.  It  is  not  until  1700  that  a 
statute  was  passed  bearing  upon  the  subject.  In  that 
year  a  law  for  the  regulation  of  servants  contains  a  sec 
tion  designed  to  prevent  the  embezzlement  by  servants 
of  their  masters'  goods.  This  section  asserts  that  the 
servant  if  white  shall  atone  for  such  theft  by  additional 

shall  be  equally  Devided  between  my  aforsd  Children,  and  after  my  sd 
wife  decease  my  will  also  is  That  the  sd  negroes  Or  such  of  them  and 
their  Offsprings  as  are  then  alive  shall  in  kind  or  value  be  equally  Devided 
between  my  sd  Children  "...  Will  of  Thomas  Lloyd.  MS.  Philadelphia 
Wills,  Book  A,  267. 

•Penn  MSS.,  Domestic  Letters,   17. 

1 "  Know  all  men  by  these  presents  That  I  Patrick  Robinson  Countie 
Clark  of  Philadelphia  for  and  in  Consideration  of  the  Sum  of  fourtie 
pounds  Current  Money  of  Pennsilvania  .  .  .  have  bargained  Sold  and  deliv 
ered  .  .  .  unto  .  .  .  Joseph  Browne  for  himselfe,  .  .  .  heirs  exers  admrs 
and  assigns  One  Negro  man  Named  Jack,  To  have  and  to  hold  the  Said 
Negro  man  named  Jack  unto  the  said  Joseph  Browne  for  himself  .  .  .  for 
ever.  And  I  ...  the  said  Negro  man  unto  him  .  .  .  shall  and  will  warrant 
and  for  ever  defend  by  these  presents."  MS.  Philadelphia  Deed  Book,  E, 
i,  vol.  V,  150,  151.  This  is  similar  to  the  regular  legal  formula  afterward. 
Cf.  MS.  Ancient  Rec.  Sussex  Co.,  1681-1709,  Sept.  22,  1709. 

8  See  below,  p.  65. 

9  "  And  to  buy  Souls  and  Bodies  of  men  for  Money,  to  enslave  them 
and  their  Posterity  to  the  end  of  the  World,  we  judge  is  a  great  hinder- 
ance  to  the  spreading  of  the  Gospel  "  .  .  .  "  neither  should  we  keep  them  in 
perpetual  Bondage  and  Slavery  against  their  Consent  "...     An  Exhorta 
tion  and  Caution  To  Friends  Concerning  buying  or  keeping  of  Negroes, 
reprinted  in  Pa.  Mag.,  XIII,  266,  268. 


20  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

servitude  at  the  end  of  his  time  sufficient  to  pay  for 
double  the  value  of  the  goods ;  but  if  black  he  shall  be 
severely  whipped  in  the  most  public  place  of  the  town 
ship.10  It  is  probable  that  the  law  was  so  worded  be 
cause  it  had  come  to  be  seen  that  there  were  few  cases 
in  which  a  negro  could  give  satisfaction  by  additional 
time  at  the  end  of  his  term,  since  negroes  were  being 
held  for  life.  If  such  be  the  case,  this  law  may  be  said 
to  contain  the  formal  recognition  of  slavery  in  the 
colony. 

The  legal  development  of  this  slavery  was  rapid  and 
brief.  As  it  was  not  created  by  statutory  enactment,  so 
some  of  its  most  important  incidents  were  never  alluded 
to  in  the  laws.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  unlike 
that  of  Virginia,  never  seems  to  have  thought  it  neces 
sary  to  define  the  status  of  the  slave  as  property,  the 
consequences  of  slave  baptism,  or  the  line  of  servile 
descent.11  Some  of  these  questions  had  been  settled  in 
other  colonies  before  the  founding  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
there  the  results  seem  to  have  been  accepted.  Accord 
ingly  the  steps  in  the  development  are  neither  obvious 
nor  distinct.  They  rest  not  so  much  upon  statute  as  upon 
court  decisions  interpreting  usage,  and  in  many  cases 
the  decisions  do  not  come  until  the  end  of  the  slavery 
period.  Notwithstanding  all  this  there  was  a  develop 
ment,  which  may  be  said  to  fall  into  three  periods. 
They  were,  first,  the  years  from  1682  to  1700,  when 
slavery  was  slowly  diverging  from  servitude,  which  it 
still  closely  resembled;  second,  from  1700  to  1725-1726, 
when  slavery  was  more  sharply  marked  off  from  servi- 

10  "  An  Act  for  the  better  Regulation  of  Servants  in  this  Province  and 
Territories."  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  56. 

n  Cf.  J.  C.  Ballagh,  A  History  of  Slavery  in  Virginia,  chapter  II. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  21 

tude;  and  third,  the  period  from  1725-1726  to  1780, 
when  nothing  was  added  but  some  minor  restrictions. 

During  the  earliest  years  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  dif 
fered  from  servitude  in  but  little,  save  that  servitude 
was  for  a  term  of  years  and  slavery  was  for  life.  It  may 
be  questioned  whether  at  first  all  men  recognized  even 
this  difference.  Many  of  Penn's  first  colonists  were 
men  who  embarked  upon  their  undertaking  with  high 
ideals  of  religion  and  right,  and  whose  conception  of 
what  was  right  could  not  easily  be  reconciled  with  hope 
less  bondage.12  The  strength  of  this  sentiment  is  seen 
in  the  well  known  provision  of  Penn's  charter  to  the 
Free  Society  of  Traders,  1682,  that  if  they  held  blacks 
they  should  make  them  free  at  the  end  of  fourteen  years, 
the  blacks  then  to  become  the  Company's  tenants.13  It 
is  the  motive  in  Benjamin  Furley's  proposal  to  hold 
negroes  not  longer  than  eight  years.14  It  is  particularly 
evident  in  the  protest  made  at  Germantown  in  1688."  It 
is  seen  in  George  Keith's  declaration  of  principles  in 
1 693."  And  it  gave  impetus  to  the  movement  among 
the  Friends,  which,  starting  about  1696,  led  finally  to  the 
emancipation  of  all  their  negroes. 

13  Cf.  letter  of  William  Edmundson  to  Friends  in  Maryland,  Virginia, 
and  other  parts  of  America,   1675.     S.  Janney,  History  of  the  Religious 
Society  of  Friends,  from  Its  Rise  to  the  Year  1828,  III,  178. 

"  The  Articles  Settlement  and  Offices  of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders  in 
Pennsylvania,  etc.,  article  XVIII.  This  quite  closely  resembles  the  ordin 
ance  issued  by  Governor  Rising  to  the  Swedes  in  1654,  that  after  a  certain 
period  negroes  should  be  absolutely  free.  ..."  efter  6  ahr  vare  en 
slafvare  alldeles  fri."  Sprinchorn,  Kolonien  Nya  Sveriges  Historia,  271. 

14  "  Let  no  blacks  be  brought  in  directly,     and  if  any  come  out  of  Vir 
ginia,  Maryld.  [or  elsewhere  erased}  in  families  that  have  formerly  bought 
them  elsewhere  Let  them  be  declared  (as  in  the  west  jersey  constitutions) 
free  at  8  years  end."  "  B.  F.  Abridgm*.  out  of  Holland  and  Germany." 
Penn  MSS.  Ford  vs.  Penn.  etc.,   1674-1716,  p.   17. 

"  Cf.  Pa.  Mag.,  IV,  28-30. 
"Ibid.,  XIII,  265-270. 


22  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Accordingly  at  first  there  may  have  been  some  ne 
groes  who  were  held  as  servants  for  a  term  of  years, 
and  who  were  discharged  when  they  had  served  their 
time."  There  is  no  certain  proof  that  this  was  so,18  and 
the  probabilities  are  rather  against  it,  but  the  conscien 
tious  scruples  of  some  of  the  early  settlers  make  it  at 
least  possible.  In  the  growth  of  the  colony,  however, 
this  feeling  did  not  continue  strong  enough  to  be  de 
cisive.  Economic  adjustment,  an  influx  of  men  of  dif 
ferent  standards,  and  motives  of  expediency,  perhaps  of 
necessity,  made  the  legal  recognition  of  an  inferior 
status  inevitable.  Against  this  the  upholders  of  the  idea 
that  negroes  should  be  held  only  as  servants,  for  a  term 
of  years,  waged  a  losing  fight.  It  is  true  they  did  not 
desist,  and  in  the  course  of  one  hundred  years  their 
view  won  a  complete  triumph ;  but  their  success  came  in 
abolition,  and  in  overthrowing  a  system  established, 
long  after  they  had  utterly  failed  to  prevent  the  swift 
growth  and  the  statutory  recognition  of  legal  slavery 
for  life  and  in  perpetuity. 

Aside  from  this  one  fundamental  difference  the  inci 
dents  of  each  status  were  nearly  the  same.  The  negro 
held  for  life  was  subject  to  the  same  restrictions,  tried 
in  the  same  courts,  and  punished  with  the  same  punish 
ments  as  the  white  servant.  So  far  as  either  class  was 
subject  to  special  regulation  at  this  time  it  was  because 
of  the  laws  for  the  management  of  servants,  passed  in 
1683  and  1693,  which  concerned  white  servants  equally 
with  black  slaves.  These  restrictions  were  as  yet  neither 

17  Negro  servants  are  mentioned.     See  Pa.  Mag.,  VII,  106.     Cf.  below, 
p.  54.     Little  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  the  early  use  of  this  word. 

18  I  have  found  no  instance  where  a  negro  was  indisputably  a  servant 
in    the    early   period.      The    court   records    abound    in   notices    of   white 
servants. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  23 

numerous  nor  detailed,  being  largely  directed  against 
free  people  who  abetted  servants  in  wrong  doing.  Thus, 
servants  were  forbidden  to  traffic  in  their  masters' 
goods;  but  the  only  penalty  fell  on  the  receiver,  who 
had  to  make  double  restitution.  They  were  restricted 
as  to  movement,  and  when  travelling  they  must  have  a 
pass.  If  they  ran  away  they  were  punished,  the  white 
servant  by  extra  service,  the  black  slave  by  whipping, 
but  this  different  punishment  for  the  slave  was  not  en 
acted  until  1700,  the  beginning  of  the  next  period.  Who 
ever  harbored  them  was  liable  to  the  master  for  dam 
ages.19  The  relations  between  master  and  servant  were 
likewise  simple.  The  servant  was  compelled  to  obey 
the  master.  If  he  resisted  or  struck  the  master,  he  was 
punished  at  the  discretion  of  the  court.  On  the  other 
hand  the  servant  was  to  be  treated  kindly.20 

The  period,  then,  prior  to  1700  was  characteristically 
a  period  of  servitude.  The  laws  spoke  of  servants  white 
and  black."  The  regulations,  the  restrictions,  the  trials, 
the  punishments,  were  identical.  There  was  only  the 
one  difference:  white  servants  were  discharged  with 
freedom  dues  at  the  end  of  a  specified  number  of  years ; 
for  negroes  there  was  no  discharge ;  they  were  servants 
for  life,  that  is,  slaves. 

In  the  period  following  1700  this  difference  gradually 
became  apparent,  and  made  necessary  different  treat- 

19  Laws  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  1682-1700,  p.  153  (1683), 
211,  213  (1693).  For  running  away  white  servants  had  to  give  five  days 
of  extra  service  for  each  day  of  absence.  Ibid,,  166  (1683),  213  (1693). 
Harboring  cost  the  offender  five  shillings  a  day.  Ibid.,  152  (1683),  212 
(1693)- 

*>  Ibid.,   113   (1682);  ibid.,   102    (Laws  Agreed  upon  in  England). 

21  Ibid.,  152.  "  No  Servant  white  or  black  .  .  .  shall  at  anie  time  after 
publication  hereof  be  Attached  or  taken  into  Execution  for  his  Master 
or  Mistress  debt  "... 


24  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

ment  and  distinct  laws.  This  resulted  from  a  recogni 
tion  of  the  dissimilarity  in  character  between  property 
based  on  temporary  service  and  that  based  on  service 
for  life.  In  the  first  place  perpetual  service  gave  rise 
to  a  new  class  of  slaves.  At  first  the  only  ones  in  Penn 
sylvania  were  such  negroes  as  were  imported  and  sold 
for  life.  But  after  a  time  children  were  born  to  them. 
These  children  were  also  slaves,  because  ownership  of 
a  negro  held  for  life  involved  ownership  of  his  offspring 
also,  since,  the  negro  being  debarred  by  economic  help 
lessness  from  rearing  children,  all  of  his  substance  be 
longing  to  his  master,  the  master  must  assume  the  cost 
of  rearing  them,  and  might  have  the  service  of  the 
children  as  recompense.23  This  was  the  source  of  the 
second  and  largest  class  of  slaves.  The  child  of  a  slave 
was  not  necessarily  a  slave  if  one  of  the  parents  was 
free.  The  line  of  servile  descent  lay  through  the 
mother.28  Accordingly  the  child  of  a  slave  mother  and 
a  free  father  was  a  slave,  of  a  free  mother  and  a  slave 
father  a  servant  for  a  term  of  years  only.  The  result 

22  The  rearing  of  slave  children  was  regarded  as  a  burden  by  owners. 
A  writer  declared  that  in  Pennsylvania  "  negroes  just  born  are  considered 
an  incumbrance  only,  and  if  humanity  did  not  forbid  it,  they  would  be 
instantly  given  away."     Pa.  Packet,  Jan.  i,  1780.     In  1732  the  Philadel 
phia  Court  of  Common  Pleas  ordered  a  man  to  take  back  a  negress  whom 
he  had  sold,  and  who  proved  to  be  pregnant.     He  was  to  refund  the  pur 
chase  money  and  the  money  spent  "  for  Phisic  and  Attendance  of  the 
Said  Negroe  in  her  Miserable  Condition."     MS.  Court  Papers.  1732-1744. 
Phila.  Co.,  June  9,  1732. 

23  The   Roman   doctrine  of  partus  sequitur  ventrem.     This  was  never 
established  by  law  in  Pennsylvania,  and  during  colonial  times  was  never 
the  subject  of  a  court  decision  that  has  come  down.    That  it  was  the  usage, 
however,  there   is  abundant  proof.      In    1727   Isaac   Warner  bequeathed 
"  To  Wife  Ann  ...  a  negro  woman  named  Sarah  ...  To  daughter  Ann 
Warner   (3)    an  unborn  negro  child  of  the  above  named  Sarah."     MS. 
Phila.  Co.  Will  Files,  no.  47,  1727.     In  1786  the  Supreme  Court  declared 
that  it  was  the  law  of  Pennsylvania,  and  had  always  been  the  custom,  i 
Dallas   181. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  25 

of  the  application  of  this  doctrine  to  the  offspring  of  a 
negro  and  a  white  person  was  that  mulattoes  were 
divided  into  two  classes.  Some  were  servants  for  a  term 
of  years ;  the  others  formed  a  third  class  of  slaves. 

In  the  second  place  perpetual  service  gave  to  slave 
property  more  of  the  character  of  a  thing,  than  was  the 
case  when  the  time  of  service  was  limited.  The  service 
of  both  servants  and  slaves  was  a  thing,  which  might  be 
bought,  sold,  transferred  as  a  chattel,  inherited  and  be 
queathed  by  will ;  but  in  the  case  of  a  slave,  the  service 
being  perpetual,  the  idea  of  the  service  as  a  thing  tended 
to  merge  into  the  idea  of  the  slave  himself  as  a  thing. 
The  law  did  not  attempt  to  carry  this  principle  very  far. 
It  never,  as  in  Virginia,  declared  the  slave  real  estate. 
In  Pennsylvania  he  was  emphatically  both  person  and 
thing,  with  the  conception  of  personality  somewhat  pre 
dominating.24  Yet  there  was  felt  to  be  a  decided  dif 
ference  between  the  slave  and  the  servant,  and  this,  to 
gether  with  the  desire  to  regulate  the  slave  as  a  negro 
distinguished  from  a  white  man,  was  the  cause  of  the 
distinctive  laws  of  the  second  period. 

24  MS.  Abstract  of  Phila.  Co.  Wills,  Book  A,  63,  71,  (1693);  Will  of 
Samuel  Richardson  of  Philadelphia  in  Pa.  Mag.,  XXXIII,  373  (1719). 
In  1682  the  attorney-general  in  England  answering  an  inquiry  from 
Jamaica,  declared  "  That  where  goods  or  merchandise  are  by  Law  for 
feited  to  the  King,  the  sale  of  them  from  one  to  another  will  not  fix 
the  property  as  against  the  King,  but  they  may  be  seized  wherever  found 
whilst  they  remain  in  specie;  And  that  Negros  being  admitted  Merchan 
dise  will  fall  within  the  same  Law  ".  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Journals,  IV, 
124.  On  several  occasions  during  war  negro  slaves  were  captured  from 
the  enemy  and  brought  to  Pennsylvania,  where  they  were  sold  as  ordinary 
prize-goods — things.  In  1745,  however,  when  two  French  negro  prisoners 
produced  papers  showing  that  they  were  free,  they  were  held  for  ex 
change  as  prisoners  of  war — persons.  MS.  Provincial  Papers,  VII,  Oct. 
2,  1745.  For  the  status  of  the  negro  slave  as  real  estate  in  Virginia,  cf. 
Ballagh,  Hist,  of  Slavery  in  Virginia,  ch.  II.  In  1786  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Pennsylvania  decided  that  "  property  in  a  Negroe  may  be  obtained  by 
a  buna  fide  purchase,  without  deed."  i  Dallas  169. 


26  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

The  years  from  1700  to  1725-1726  are  marked  by  two 
great  laws  which  almost  by  themselves  make  up  the 
slave  code  of  Pennsylvania.  The  first,  passed  in  1700 
and  passed  again  in  1705-1706,  regulated  the  trial  and 
punishments  of  slaves.25  It  marked  the  beginning  of  a 
new  era  in  the  regulation  of  negroes,  in  that,  subjecting 
them  to  different  courts  and  imposing  upon  them  dif 
ferent  penalties,  it  definitely  marked  them  off  as  a  class 
distinct  from  all  others  in  the  colony.  In  1725-1726 
further  advance  was  made.  Not  only  was  the  negro 
now  subjected  to  special  regulation  because  he  was  a 
slave,  but  whether  slave  or  free  he  was  now  made  sub 
ject  to  special  restrictions  because  he  was  a  negro. 
While  some  of  these  had  to  do  with  movement  and  be 
havior,  the  most  important  forbade  all  marriage  or  inter 
course  with  white  people.98  These  laws  must  be  ex 
amined  in  detail. 

From  the  very  first  was  seen  the  inevitable  difficulty 
involved  in  punishing  the  negro  criminal  as  a  person, 
and  yet  not  injuring  the  master's  property  in  the  thing. 
The  result  of  this  was  that  masters  were  frequently  led 
to  conceal  the  crimes  of  their  slaves,  or  to  take  the  law 
into  their  own  hands.27  The  solution  was  probably  felt 
to  be  the  removal  of  negroes  from  the  ordinary  courts. 
It  is  said,  also,  that  Penn  desired  to  protect  the  negro 
by  clearly  defining  his  crimes  and  apportioning  his 
punishments.  Accordingly  he  urged  the  law  of  1700.** 

25  "  An  Act  for  the  trial  of  Negroes."  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  77-79-  Repealed 
in  Council,  1705.  Ibid.,  II,  79;  Col.  Rec.,  I,  612,  613.  Passed  again 
with  slight  changes  in  1705-1706.  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  233-236. 

38  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  of  Negroes  in  this  Province." 
Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  59-64.  It  became  law  by  lapse  of  time.  Ibid.,  IV,  64. 

27  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  of  Negroes  in  this  Province  ", 
section  i.  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  59. 

MCf.  Enoch  Lewis,  "Life  of  William  Penn"  (1841),  in  Friends' 
Library,  V,  315;  J.  R.  Tyson,  "Annual  Discourse  before  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania"  (1831),  in  Hazard's  Register,  VIII,  316. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  27 

Under  .this  law  negroes  when  accused  were  not  to  be 
tried  in  the  regular  courts  of  the  colony.  They  were  to 
be  presented  by  the  Courts  of  Quarter  Sessions,  but  the 
cases  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  special  courts  for  the  trial 
of  negroes,  composed  of  two  commissioned  justices  of 
the  peace  and  six  substantial  freeholders.  On  applica 
tion  these  courts  were  to  be  constituted  by  executive 
authority  when  occasion  demanded.  Witnesses  were 
to  be  allowed,  but  there  was  to  be  no  trial  by  jury.29  In 
such  courts  it  was  doubtless  easier  to  regard  the  slave  as 
property,  and  do  full  justice  to  the  rights  of  the  master. 

Something  was  still  wanting,  however,  for  in  case  the 
slave  criminal  was  condemned  to  death,  the  loss  fell  en 
tirely  on  the  master.  From  the  earliest  days  of  the  col 
ony  owners  had  been  praying  for  relief  from  this.  In 
1707  the  masters  of  two  slaves  petitioned  the  governor 
to  commute  the  death  sentence  to  chastisement  and 
transportation,  and  thus  save  them  from  pecuniary  loss. 
The  petition  was  granted.  Such  commutation  was  fre 
quently  sought,  and  in  the  special  courts  it  could  be  more 
readily  granted.30  The  real  solution,  however,  was  dis 
covered  in  1725-1726,  when  it  was  ordained  that  there- 

**  MS.  Minutes  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions  Bucks  County,  1684-1730, 
P-  375  (1703);  MS.  "Bail,  John  Kendig  for  a  Negro,  29.  9  br  35,"  in 
Logan  Papers,  unbound;  "  An  Act  for  the  trial  of  Negroes,"  Stat.  at  L., 
Hi  77-79  (1700),  233-236  (1705-1706);  Col.  Rec.,  Ill,  254;  IV,  243;  IX, 
648,  680,  704,  705,  707;  X,  73,  276.  For  the  commission  instituting  one 
of  these  special  courts  (1762),  see  MS.  Miscellaneous  Papers,  1684-1847, 
Chester  County,  149;  also  Diffenderffer,  "  Early  Negro  Legislation  in  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,"  in  Christian  Culture,  Sept.  i,  1890.  Mr. 
Diffenderffer  cites  a  commission  of  Feb.  20,  1773,  but  is  puzzled  at  finding 
no  record  of  the  trial  of  negroes  in  the  records  of  the  local  Court  of 
Quarter  Sessions.  It  would  of  course  not  appear  there.  Special  dockets 
were  kept  for  the  special  courts.  Cf.  MS.  Records  of  Special  Courts  for 
the  Trial  of  Negroes,  held  at  Chester,  in  Chester  County.  The  law  was 
not  universally  applied  at  first.  In  1703  a  negro  was  tried  for  fornication 
before  the  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions.  MS.  Minutes  Court  of  Quarter 
Sessions  Bucks  County,  1684-1730,  p.  378. 

*Col.  Rec.  I,  61;  II,  405,  406. 


28  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

after  if  any  slave  committed  a  capital  crime,  immedi 
ately  upon  conviction  the  justices  should  appraise  such 
slave,  and  pay  the  value  to  the  owner,  out  of  a  fund 
arising  principally  from  the  duty  on  negroes  imported.*1 
These  laws  continued  in  force  until  1780,  and  down  to 
that  time  slaves  were  removed  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  regular  courts  of  the  province;  although  after  1776 
it  was  asserted  that  the  clause  about  trial  by  jury  in  the 
new  state  constitution  affected  slaves  as  well  as 
free  men;  and  a  slave  was  actually  so  tried  in  1779." 
Whether  this  view  prevailed  in  all  quarters  it  is  impos 
sible  to  say.  In  the  next  year  the  abolition  act  did  away 
with  the  special  courts  entirely." 

81  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  of  Negroes,"  etc.  Stat.  at  L.,  IV, 
59.     For  an  instance  of  such  valuation  in  the  case  of  two  slaves  con 
demned  for  burglary,  see  MS.  Provincial   Papers,  XXX,  July  29,   1773. 
The  governor,  however,  pardoned  these  negroes  on  condition  that  they 
be  transported. 

82  "  On  the  trials  Larry  the  slave  was  convicted  by  a  Jury  of  twelve 
Men  and  received  the  usual  sentence  of  whipping,   restitution  and  fine 
according  to  law.  .  .  .    This  case  is  published  as  being  the  first  instance  of  a 
slave's  being  tried  in  this  state  by  a  Grand  and  Petit  Jury.     Our  con 
stitution  provides  that  these  unhappy  men  shall  have  the  same  measure 
of  Justice  and  the  same  mode  of  trial  with  others,  their  fellow  creatures, 
when    charged    with   crimes    or   offences."     Pa.   Packet,    Feb.    16,    1779. 
Nevertheless  a  commission  for  a  special  court  had  been  issued  in  August, 
1777.     Cf.  "  Petition  of  Mary  Bryan,"  MS.  Misc.  Papers,  Aug.  15,  1777. 

33  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  72.  What  was  the  standing  of  negro  slaves  before 
the  ordinary  courts  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  years  between  1700  and  1780 
it  is  difficult  to  say.  They  certainly  could  not  be  witnesses — not  against 
white  men,  since  this  privilege  was  given  to  free  negroes  for  the  first 
time  in  1780  (Stat.  at  L.,  X,  70),  and  to  slaves  not  until  1847  (Laws  of 
Assembly,  1847,  p.  208) ;  while  if  they  were  witnesses  against  other  ne 
groes  it  would  be  before  special  courts.  Doubtless  negroes  could  some 
times  seek  redress  in  the  ordinary  courts,  though  naturally  the  number 
of  such  cases  would  be  limited.  There  is,  however,  at  least  one  instance 
of  a  white  man  being  sued  by  a  negro,  who  won  his  suit.  "  Francis 
Jn°son  the  Negro  verbally  complained  agst  Wm  Orion  .  .  .  and  after  plead 
ing  to  on  both  sides  the  Court  passed  Judgment  and  ordered  Wm  Orion  to 
pay  him  the  sd  Francis  Jn°son  twenty  shillings  "...  MS.  Ancient  Records 
of  Sussex  County,  1681  to  1709,  4th  mo.,  1687.  Before  1700  negroes  were 
tried  before  the  ordinary  courts,  and  there  is  at  least  one  case  where  a 
negro  witnessed  against  a  white  man.  Ibid.,  8br  1687. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  29 

The  law  of  1700,  which  marked  the  differentiation  of 
slaves  from  servants,  marked  also  the  beginning  of  dis 
crimination.  For  negroes  there  were  to  be  different 
punishments  as  well  as  a  different  mode  of  trial.  Mur 
der,  buggery,  burglary,  or  rape  of  a  white  woman,  were 
to  be  punished  by  death ;  attempted  rape  by  castration ; 
robbing  and  stealing  by  whipping,  the  master  to  make 
good  the  theft.*4  This  law  was  repeated  in  1705-1706, 
except  that  the  punishment  for  attempted  rape  was  now 
made  whipping,  branding,  imprisonment,  and  transporta 
tion,  while  these  same  penalties  were  to  be  imposed  for 
theft  over  five  pounds.  Theft  of  an  article  worth  less  than 
five  pounds  entailed  whipping  up  to  thirty-nine  lashes.80 
For  white  people  at  this  time,  whether  servants  or  free, 
there  was  a  different  code.86 

A  far  more  important  discrimination  was  made  in 
1725-1726  by  the  law  which  forbade  mixture  of  the 
races.  There  had  doubtless  been  some  intercourse 
from  the  first.  A  white  servant  was  indicted  for  this 

84  Stat.  at  L.,  II,   77-79;   Col.  Rec.,  I,  612,  613.     Instances  of  negro 
crime  are  mentioned  in  MS.  Records  of  Special  Courts  for  the  Trial  of 
Negroes — Chester  County.     For  a  case  of  arson  punished  with  death,  cf. 
Col.  Rec.,  IV,  243.     For  two  negroes  condemned  to  death  for  burglary, 
ibid.,  IX,  6,  also  699.     The  punishment  for  the  attempted  rape  of  a  white 
woman  was  the  one  point  that  caused  the  disapproval  of  the  attorney- 
general  in  England,  and,  probably,  led  to  the  passage  of  the  revised  act 
in    1705-1706.     Cf.   MS.   Board  of  Trade   Papers,   Prop.,   VIII,  40,   Bb. 
For  restitution  by  masters,  which  was  frequently  very  burdensome,  cf. 
MS.  Misc.  Papers,  Oct.  9,  1780. 

85  Stat.  at  L.,   II,   233-236.     These  punishments  were  continued  until 
repealed  in  1780,  (Stat.  at  L.,  X,  72),  when  the  penalty  for  robbery  and 
burglary   became   imprisonment.     This   bore   entirely   on   the   master,   so 
that  in  1790  Governor  Mifflin  asked  that  corporal  punishment  be  substi 
tuted.     Hazard's  Register,  II,   74.     For  theft  whipping  continued  to  be 
imposed,  but  guilty  white  people  were  punished  in  the  same  manner.    MS. 
Petitions,  Lancaster  County,  1761-1825,   May,   1784.     MS.  Misc.  Papers, 
July,  1780. 

M  See  below,  p.  in. 


30  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

offence  in  1677 ;  and  a  tract  of  land  in  Sussex  County 
bore  the  name  of  "  Mulatto  Hall."  In  1698  the  Chester 
County  Court  laid  down  the  principle  that  mingling  of 
the  races  was  not  to  be  allowed.87  The  matter  went  be 
yond  this,  for  in  1722  a  woman  was  punished  for  abet 
ting  a  clandestine  marriage  between  a  white  woman  and 
a  negro.88  A  few  months  thereafter  the  Assembly  re 
ceived  a  petition  from  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
inveighing  against  the  wicked  and  scandalous  practice 
of  negroes  cohabiting  with  white  people.88  It  appeared 
to  the  Assembly  that  a  law  was  needed,  and  they  set 
about  framing  one.  Accordingly  in  the  law  of  1725- 
1726  they  provided  stringent  penalties.  No  negro  was 
to  be  joined  in  marriage  with  any  white  person  upon 
any  pretense  whatever.  A  white  person  violating  this 
was  to  forfeit  thirty  pounds,  or  be  sold  as  a  servant  for 
a  period  not  exceeding  seven  years.  A  clergyman  who 
abetted  such  a  marriage  was  to  pay  one  hundred 
pounds.40 

The  law  did  not  succeed  in  checking  cohabitation, 

87  "  For  that  hee  .  .  .  contrary  to  the  Lawes  of  the  Governmt  and 
Contrary  to  his  Masters  Consent  hath  .  .  .  got  wth  child  a  certaine  molato 
wooman  Called  Swart  anna  "...  MS.  Rec.  Court  at  Upland,  19;  Penn 
MSS.  Papers  relating  to  the  Three  Lower  Counties,  1629-1774,  p.  193; 
MS.  Minutes  Abington  Monthly  Meeting,  27  ist  mo.,  1693.  "  David 
Lewis  Constable  of  Haverfoord  Returned  A  Negro  man  of  his  And  A 
white  woman  for  haveing  A  Baster  Childe  .  .  .  the  negroe  said  she  Intised 
him  and  promised  him  to  marry  him:  she  being  examined,  Confest  the 
same:  .  .  .  the  Court  ordered  that  she  shall  Receive  Twenty  one  laishes  on 
her  beare  Backe  .  .  .  and  the  Court  ordered  the  negroe  never  more  to  med 
dle  with  any  white  woman  more  uppon  paine  of  his  life."  MS.  Min. 
Chester  Co.  Courts,  1697-1710,  p.  24. 

38  MS.  Ancient  Rec.  of  Phila.,  Nov.  4,  1722. 

39  Votes  and  Proceedings,  II,  336. 

*°  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  62.  Cf.  Votes  and  Proceedings,  II,  337,  345.  For 
marriage  or  cohabiting  without  the  master's  consent  a  servant  had  to  atone 
with  extra  service.  Cf.  Stat.  a:  L.,  II,  22.  This  obviously  would  not 
check  a  slave. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  31 

though  of  marriages  of  slaves  with  white  people  there 
is  almost  no  record.*1  There  exists  no  definite  informa 
tion  as  to  the  number  of  mulattoes  in  the  colony  during 
this  period,  but  advertisements  for  runaway  slaves  indi 
cate  that  there  were  very  many  of  them.  The  slave 
register  of  1780  for  Chester  County  shows  that  they 
constituted  twenty  per  cent,  of  the  slave  population  in 
that  locality."  It  must  be  said  that  the  stigma  of  illicit 
intercourse  in  Pennsylvania  would  not  generally  seem 
to  rest  upon  the  masters,  but  rather  upon  servants,  out 
casts,  and  .the  lowlier  class  of  whites.4* 

Negro  slaves  were  subject  to  another  class  of  restric 
tions  which  were  made  against  them  rather  as  slaves 
than  as  black  men.  These  concerned  freedom  of  move 
ment  and  freedom  of  action.  During  the  earlier  years 
of  the  colony's  history  regulation  of  the  movements  of 
the  slaves  rested  principally  in  the  hands  of  the  owners. 
The  continual  complaints  about  the  tumultuous  assem 
bling  of  negroes,  to  be  noticed  presently,  would  seem  to 

41  Apparently  such  a  marriage  had  occurred  in  1722.  MS.  Ancient  Rec. 
Phila.,  Nov.  4,  1722,  which  mention  "  the  Clandestine  mariage  of  Mr 
Tuthil's  Negro  and  Katherine  Williams."  The  petitioner,  who  was  im 
prisoned  for  abetting  the  marriage,  concludes:  "  I  have  Discover'd  who 
maried  the  foresd  Negroe,  and  shall  acquaint  your  honrs." 

**  American  Weekly  Mercury,  Nov.  9,  1727;  Pa.  Gazette,  Feb.  7,  1739- 
1740;  and  passim.  Mittelberger  mentions  them  in  1750.  Cf.  Journey  to 
Pennsylvania,  etc.,  107;  MS.  Register  of  Slaves  in  Chester  County,  1780. 

**  "  A  circumstance  not  easily  believed,  is,  that  the  subjection  of  the 
negroes  has  not  corrupted  the  morals  of  their  masters  "...  Abbe  Raynal, 
British  Settlements  in  North  America  I,  163.  Raynal's  authority  is  very 
poor.  The  assertion  in  the  text  rests  rather  on  negative  evidence.  Cf. 
Votes  and  Proceedings,  1766,  p.  30,  for  an  instance  of  a  white  woman 
prostitute  to  negroes.  Ibid.,  1767-1776,  p.  666,  for  evidence  as  to  mulatto 
bastards  by  pauper  white  women.  Also  MS.  Misc.  Papers,  Mar.  12,  1783. 
For  a  case  (1715)  where  the  guilty  white  man  was  probably  not  a  servant 
cf.  MS.  Court  Papers,  Phila.  Co.,  1697-1732.  Benjamin  Franklin  was 
openly  accused  of  keeping  negro  paramours.  Cf.  What  is  Sauce  for  a 
Goose  is  also  Sauce  for  a  Gander,  etc.  (1764),  6;  A  Humble  Attempt  at 
Scurrility,  etc.  (1765),  40. 


32  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

indicate  that  considerable  leniency  was  exercised.44  But 
frequently  white  people  lured  them  away,  and  harbored 
and  employed  them.45  The  law  of  1725-1726  was  in 
tended  specially  to  stop  this.  No  negro  was  to  go 
farther  than  ten  miles  from  home  without  written  leave 
from  his  master,  under  penalty  of  ten  lashes  on  his  bare 
back.  Nor  was  he  to  be  away  from  his  master's  house, 
except  by  special  leave,  after  nine  o'clock  at  night,  nor 
to  be  found  in  tippling-houses,  under  like  penalty.  For 
preventing  these  things  counter-restrictions  were  im 
posed  upon  white  people.  They  were  forbidden  to  em 
ploy  such  negroes,  or  knowingly  to  harbor  or  shelter 
them,  except  in  very  unseasonable  weather,  under  pen 
alty  of  thirty  shillings  for  every  twenty-four  hours. 
Finally  it  was  provided  that  negroes  were  not  to  meet 
together  in  companies  of  more  than  four.  This  last 
seems  to  have  remained  a  dead  letter.4* 

That  this  legislation  failed  to  produce  the  desired  ef 
fect  is  shown  by  the  experience  of  Philadelphia  in  deal 
ing  with  negro  disorder.  Such  disorder  was  complained 
of  as  early  as  1693,  when,  on  presentment  of  the  grand 
jury,  it  was  directed  that  the  constables  or  any  other 
person  should  arrest  such  negroes  as  .they  might  find 
gadding  abroad  on  first  days  of  the  week,  without  writ 
ten  permission  from  the  master,  and  take  them  to  jail, 
where,  after  imprisonment,  they  should  be  given  thirty- 
nine  lashes  well  laid  on,  to  be  paid  for  by  the  master. 
This  seems  to  have  been  enforced  but  laxly,  for  in  1702 

44  See  below. 

«C/.  Col.  Rec.,  I,  117. 

**Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  59-64,  (sections  IX-XIII).  Tippling-houses  seem  to 
have  given  a  good  deal  of  trouble.  In  1703  the  grand  jury  presented 
several  persons  "  for  selling  Rum  to  negros  and  others  "...  MS.  Ancient 
Rec.  of  Phila.,  Nov.  3,  1703.  Cf.  also  presentment  of  the  grand  jury, 
Jan.  2,  1744.  Pa.  Mag.,  XXII,  498. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  33 

the  grand  jury  presented  the  matter  again,  and  their 
recommendation  was  repeated  with  warmth  in  the  year 
following.47  A  few  years  later  they  urged  measures  to 
suppress  the  unruly  negroes  of  the  city.48  In  1732  the 
council  was  forced  to  recommend  an  ordinance  to  bring 
this  about,  and  such  an  ordinance  was  drawn  up  and 
considered.  Next  year  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Friends 
petitioned,  and  the  matter  was  taken  up  again,  but  noth 
ing  came  of  it,  so  that  the  council  was  compelled  to  ob 
serve  that  further  legislation  was  assuredly  needed.48 
In  1741  the  grand  jury  presented  the  matter  strongly,50 
and  an  explicit  order  was  at  last  given  that  constables 
should  disperse  meetings  of  negroes  within  half  an  hour 
after  sunset.81  The  nuisance,  probably,  was  still  not 

47  Col.  Rec.,  I,  380-381.     "  The  great  abuse  and  111  consiquence  of  the 
great  multitudes  of  negroes  who  commonly  meete  togeither  in  a  Riott  and 
tumultious  manner  on  the  first  days  of  the  weeke."     MS.  Ancient  Rec.  of 
Phila.,  28  7th  mo.,  1702;  ibid.,  Nov.  3,  1703. 

48  "  The  Grand  Inquest  ...  do  present  that  whereas  there  has  been  Divers 
Rioters  .  .  .  and  the  peace  of  our  Lord  the  King  Disturbers,  by  Divers  In 
fants,  bond  Servants,  and  Negros,  within  this  City  after  it  is  Duskish  .  .  . 
that  Care  may  be  taken  to  Suppress  the  unruly  Negroes  of  this  City  ac 
companying  to  gether  on  the  first  Day  of  the  weeke,  and  that  they  may 
not  be  Suffered  to  walk  the  Streets  in  Companys  after  it  is  Darke  without 
their  Masters  Leave  "...  MS.  Ancient  Rec.  of  Phila.,  Apr.  4,  1717- 

48  Minutes  of  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  1704-1776, 
3M,  3i5,  3'6,  326,  342,  376;  Col.  Rec.,  IV,  224,  (1737). 

50  "  The  Grand  Inquest  now  met  humly  Represent  to  This  honourable 
Court  the  great  Disorders  Commited  On  the  first  Dayes  of  the  week  By 
Servants,  apprentice  boys  and  Numbers  of  Negros  it  has  been  with 
great  Concearn  Observed  that  the  Whites  in  their  Tumultious  Resorts 
in  the  markets  and  other  placies  most  Darringly  Swear  Curse  Lye  Abuse 
and  often  fight  Striving  to  Excell  in  all  Leudness  and  Obsenity  which 
must  produce  a  generall  Corruption  of  Such  youth  If  not  Timely  Remi- 
dieed  and  from  the  Concourse  of  Negroes  Not  only  the  above  Mischeiffs 
but  other  Dangers  may  issue  "...  MS.  Court  Papers,  1732-1744,  Phila. 
Co.,  1741. 

81  "  Many  disorderly  persons  meet  every  evg.  about  the  Court  house 
of  this  city,  and  great  numbers  of  Negroes  and  others  sit  there  with 
milk  pails,  and  other  things,  late  at  night,  and  many  disorders  are  there 
committed  against  the  peace  and  good  government  of  this  city  "  Min 
utes  Common  Council  of  Phila.,  405. 


34  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

abated,  for  in  1761  the  mayor  caused  to  be  published 
in  the  papers  previous  legislation  on  the  subject.52  Noth 
ing  further  seems  to  have  been  done. 

The  continued  failure  to  suppress  these  meetings  in 
defiance  of  a  law  of  the  province,  must  be  attributed 
either  to  the  intrinsic  difficulty  of  enforcing  such  a  law, 
or  to  the  fact  that  the  meetings  were  objectionable  be 
cause  of  their  rude  and  boisterous  character,  rather 
than  because  of  any  positive  misdemeanor.  More  prob 
ably  still  this  is  but  one  of  the  many  pieces  of  evidence 
which  show  how  leniently  the  negro  was  treated  in 
Pennsylvania. 

The  third  period,  from  1726  to  1780,  is  distinguished 
more  because  of  the  lack  of  important  legislation  about 
the  negro  than  through  any  marked  character  of  its  own. 
The  outlines  of  the  colony's  slave  code  had  now  been 
drawn,  and  no  further  constructive  work  was  done. 
There  is,  however,  one  class  of  laws  which  may  be  as 
signed  to  this  period,  since  the  majority  of  them 
fall  chronologically  within  its  limits,  though  they  are 
scarcely  more  characteristic  of  it  than  they  are  of  either 
of  the  two  periods  preceding.  All  of  these  laws  imposed 
restrictions  upon  the  actions  of  negro  slaves  in  matters 
in  which  white  people  were  restricted  also,  but  the  re 
strictions  were  embodied  in  special  sections  of  the  laws, 
because  of  the  negro's  inability  to  pay  a  fine:  the  law 
imposing  corporal  punishment  upon  the  slave,  whenever 
it  exacted  payment  in  money  or  imprisonment  from 
others. 

Thus,  an  act  forbidding  the  use  of  fireworks  without 
the  governor's  permission,  states  that  the  slave  instead 

52  Pa.  Gaxcttc,  Nov.  12,  1761. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE  35 

of  being  imprisoned  shall  be  publicly  whipped.  An 
other  provides  that  if  a  slave  set  fire  to  any  woodlands 
or  marshes  he  shall  be  whipped  not  exceeding  twenty- 
one  lashes.  As  far  back  as  1700  whipping  had  been 
made  the  punishment  of  a  slave  who  carried  weapons 
without  his  master's  permission.  In  1750-1751  partici 
pation  in  a  horse-race  or  shooting-match  entailed  first 
fifteen  lashes,  and  then  twenty-one,  together  with  six 
days'  imprisonment  for  the  first  offense,  and  ten  days' 
imprisonment  thereafter.  In  1760  hunting  on  Indians' 
lands  or  on  other  people's  lands,  shooting  in  the  city,  or 
hunting  on  Sunday,  were  forbidden  under  penalty  of 
whipping  up  to  thirty-one  lashes.  In  1750-1751  the 
penalty  for  offending  against  the  night  watch  in  Phila 
delphia  was  made  twenty-one  lashes  and  imprisonment 
in  the  work-house  for  three  days  at  hard  labor ;  for  the 
second  offence,  thirty-one  lashes  and  six  days.  Some 
times  it  was  provided  that  a  slave  might  be  punished  as 
a  free  man,  if  his  master  would  stand  for  him.  Thus  a 
slave  offending  against  the  regulations  for  wagoners 
was  to  be  whipped,  or  fined,  if  his  master  would  pay  the 
fine.88 

So  far  the  slave  was  under  the  regulation  of  the  state. 
He  was  also  subject  to  the  regulation  of  his  owner,  who, 

M  "  An  Act  for  preventing  Accidents  that  may  happen  by  Fire,"  sect. 
IV,  Stot.  at  L.,  Ill,  254  (1721);  "An  Act  to  prevent  the  Damages,  which 
may  happen,  by  firing  of  Woods,"  etc.,  sect.  Ill,  ibid.,  IV,  282  (1735); 
"An  Act  for  the  trial  of  Negroes,"  sect.  V,  ibid.,  II,  79  (1700);  "An 
Act  for  the  more  effectual  preventing  Accidents  which  may  happen  by 
Fire,  and  for  suppressing  Idleness,  Drunkenness,  and  other  Debauch 
eries,"  sect.  Ill,  ibid.,  V,  109,  no  (1750-1751);  "  An  Act  to  prevent  the 
Hunting  of  Deer,"  etc.,  sect.  VII,  ibid.,  VI,  49  (1760);  "  An  Act  for  the 
better  regulating  the  nightly  Watch  within  the  city  of  Philadelphia,"  etc., 
sect.  XXII,  ibid.,  V,  126  (1750-1751);  repeated  in  1756,  1763,  1766,  1771, 
ibid.,  V,  241;  VI,  309;  VII,  7;  VIII,  115;  "An  Act  for  regulating 
Wagoners,  Carters,  Draymen,  and  Porters,"  etc.,  sect.  VII,  ibid.,  VI,  68 
(1761);  repeated  in  1763  and  1770,  ibid.  VI,  250;  VII,  359,  360. 


36  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

in  matters  concerning  himself  and  not  directly  covered 
by  laws,  could  enforce  obedience  by  corporal  punish 
ment.  This  was  sometimes  administered  at  the  public 
whipping-post,  the  master  sending  an  order  for  a  cer 
tain  number  of  lashes.54  But  the  slave  was  not  given 
over  absolutely  into  the  master's  power.  If  he  had  to 
obey  the  laws  of  the  state,  he  could  also  expect  the  pro 
tection  of  the  state.58  The  master  could  not  starve  him, 
nor  overwork  him,  nor  torture  him.  Against  these 
things  he  could  appeal  to  the  public  authorities.  More 
over  public  opinion  was  powerfully  against  them.  If 
a  master  killed  his  slave  the  law  dealt  with  him  as 
though  his  victim  were  a  white  man."  It  is  not  probable, 
to  be  sure,  that  the  sentence  was  often  carried  out,  but 
such  cases  did  not  often  arise.57 

Such  was  the  legal  status  of  the  slave  in  Pennsylvania. 
Before  1700  it  was  ill  defined,  but  probably  much  like 
that  of  the  servant,  having  only  the  distinctive  incident 
of  perpetual  service,  and  the  developing  incident  of  the 
transmission  of  servile  condition  to  offspring.  Gradu- 

54  Cf.  the  story  of  Hodge's  Cato,  told  in  Watson,  Annals  of  Philadel 
phia  and  Pennsylvania  in  the  Olden  Time,  etc.,  II,  263. 

65  Cf.  Achenwall,  who  got  his  information  from  Franklin,  Anmerkungen, 
25 :  "  Diese  Mohrcnsclaven  geniessen  als  Unterthanen  des  Staats  .  .  .  den 
Schutz  der  Gesetze,  so  gut  als  freye  Einwohner.  Wenn  ein  Colonist, 
auch  selbst  der  Eigenthumsherr,  eincn  Schwarzen  umbringt,  so  wird  er 
gleichfalls  zum  Tode  verurtheilt.  Wenn  der  Herr  seinem  Sclaven  zu 
harte  Arbeit  auflegt,  oder  ihn  sonst  iibel  behandelt,  so  kan  er  ihn  beym 
Richter  verklagen."  Also  Kalm,  Travels,  I,  390, 

86  "  Yesterday  at  a  Supream  Court  held  in  this  City,  sentence  of  Death 
was  passed  upon  William  Bullock,  who  was  .  .  .  Convicted  of  the  Murder  of 
his  Negro  Slave."  American  Weekly  Mercury,  Apr.  29,  1742. 

6T  Kalm  (1748)  said  that  there  was  no  record  of  such  a  sentence  being 
carried  out;  but  he  adds  that  a  case  having  arisen,  even  the  magistrates 
secretly  advised  the  guilty  person  to  leave  the  country,  "  as  otherwise  they 
could  not  avoid  taking  him  prisoner,  and  then  he  would  be  condemned 
to  die  according  to  the  laws  of  the  country,  without  any  hopes  of  saving 
him".  Travels,  I,  391,  392.  For  a  case  cf.  Pa.  Gazette,  Feb.  24,  1741-1742. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE       37 

ally  it  became  altogether  different.  To  the  slave  now 
appertained  a  number  of  incidents  of  lower  status.  He 
was  tried  in  separate  courts,  subject  to  special  judges, 
and  punished  with  different  penalties.  Admixture  with 
white  people  was  sternly  prohibited.  He  was  subject 
to  restrictions  upon  movement,  conduct,  and  action.  He 
could  be  corrected  with  corporal  punishment.  The 
slave  legislation  of  Pennsylvania  involved  discrimina 
tions  based  both  upon  inferior  status,  and  what  was  re 
garded  as  inferior  race.  Nevertheless  it  will  be  shown 
that  in  most  respects  the  punishments  and  restrictions 
imposed  upon  negro  slaves  were  either  similar  to  those 
imposed  upon  white  servants,  or  involved  discrimina 
tions  based  upon  the  inability  of  the  slave  to  pay  a  fine, 
and  upon  the  fact  that  mere  imprisonment  punished  the 
master  alone.  Moreover,  what  harshness  there  was 
must  be  ascribed  partly  to  the  spirit  of  the  times,  which 
made  harsher  laws  for  both  white  men  and  black  men. 
The  slave  code  almost  never  comprehended  any  cruel  or 
unusual  punishments.  As  a  legal  as  well  as  a  social  sys 
tem  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  was  mild. 


CHAPTER  III. 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  OF  SLAVERY. 

THE  mildness  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  impressed 
every  observer.  Acrelius  said  that  negroes  were  treated 
better  there  than  anywhere  else  in  America.  Peter 
Kalm  said  that  compared  with  the  condition  of  white 
servants  their  condition  possessed  equal  advantages  ex 
cept  that  they  were  obliged  to  serve  their  whole  life 
time  without  wages.  Hector  St.  John  Crevecoeur  de 
clared  that  they  enjoyed  as  much  liberty  as  their  mas 
ters,  that  they  were  in  effect  part  of  their  masters'  fam 
ilies,  and  that,  living  thus,  they  considered  themselves 
happier  than  many  of  the  lower  class  of  whites.1  There 
is  good  reason  for  believing  these  statements,  since  a 
careful  study  of  the  sources  shows  that  generally  mas 
ters  used  their  negroes  kindly  and  with  moderation.1 

Living  in  a  land  of  plenty  the  slaves  were  well  fed 
and  comfortably  clothed.  They  had  as  good  food  as  the 
white  servants,  says  one  traveller,  and  another  says  as 
good  as  their  masters.*  In  1759  the  yearly  cost  of  the 
food  of  a  slave  was  reckoned  at  about  twenty  per  cent, 
of  his  value.4  Likewise  they  were  well  clad,  their 

1  Acrelius,  Description  of  New  Sweden,  169  (1759);  Kalm,  Travels,  I, 
394    (1748);    Hector    St.    John    Crevecceur,    Letters   from    an    American 
Farmer,  222   (just  before  the  Revolution). 

2  When   one    of    Christopher    Marshall's   white    servants    "  struck    and 
kickt  "  his  negro  woman,   he  "  could  scarcely  refrain   from  kicking  him 
out  of  the  House  &c  &c  &c."     MS.  Remembrancer,  E,  July  22,  1779. 

s  Kalm,  I,  394;  St.  John  Crevecceur,  221.  Benjamin  Lay  contradicts 
this,  but  allowance  must  always  be  made  for  the  extremeness  of  his  as 
sertions.  Cf.  his  All  Slave-Keepers  Apostates  (1737),  93- 

4  Acrelius,    169. 

38 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  39 

clothes  being  furnished  by  the  masters.  That  clothes 
were  a  considerable  item  of  expense  is  shown  by  the  old 
household  accounts  and  diaries.  Acrelius  computed  the 
yearly  cost  at  five  per  cent,  of  a  slave's  value.8  In  the 
newspaper  advertisements  for  runaways  occur  particu 
larly  full  descriptions  of  their  dress.8  Almost  always 
they  have  a  coat  or  jacket,  shoes,  and  stockings.7  It  is 
true  that  when  they  ran  away  they  generally  took  the 
best  they  had,  if  not  all  they  had  ;  but  making  due  allow 
ance  it  seems  certain  that  they  were  well  clad,  as  an 
advertiser  declared.8 

As  to  shelter,  since  the  climate  and  economy  of  Penn 
sylvania  never  gave  rise  to  a  plantation  life,  rows  of 

5  St.  John  Crevecceur,  221;  Kalm,  I,  394;  Acrelius,  169.  Personal  papers 
contain  numerous  notices.  "  To  i  pr  Shoes  for  the  negro  .  .  .  6  "  (sh.). 
MS.  William  Penn's  Account  Book,  1690-1693,  p.  2  (1690).  A  "  Bill  ren 
dered  by  Christian  Grafford  to  James  Steel  "  is  as  follows:  "  Making  old 
Holland  Jeakit  and  breeches  fit  for  your  Negero  0.3.0  Making  2  new 
Jeakits  and  2  pair  breeches  of  stripped  Linen  for  both  your  Negeromans 
0.14.0  And  also  for  Little  Negero  boy  0.4.0  Making  2  pair  Leather 
Breeches,  i  for  James  Sanders  and  another  for  your  Negroeman  Zeason 
0.13.0."  Pa.  Mag.,  XXXIII,  121  (1740).  The  bill  rendered  for  the  shoes 
of  Thomas  Penn's  negroes  in  1764-1765  amounted  to  £7  7  sh.  3d.,  the 
price  per  pair  averaging  about  7  sh.  6d.  Penn-Physick  MSS.,  IV,  223. 
Also  ibid.,  IV,  265,  267.  Cf.  Penn  Papers,  accounts  (unbound),  Aug.  19, 
1741;  Christopher  Marshall's  Remembrancer,  E,  June  i,  1779. 

•Thus  Cato  had  on  "  two  jackets,  the  uppermost  a  dark  blue  half  thick, 
lined  with  red  flannel,  the  other  a  light  blue  homespun  flannel,  without 
lining,  ozenbrigs  shirt,  old  leather  breeches,  yarn  stockings,  old  shoes,  and 
an  old  beaver  hat  "...  Pa.  Gazette,  May  5,  1748.  A  negro  from  Chester 
County  wore  "  a  lightish  coloured  cloath  coat,  with  metal  buttons,  and 
lined  with  striped  linsey,  a  lightish  linsey  jacket  with  sleeves,  and  red 
waistcoat,  tow  shirt,  old  lightish  cloth  breeches,  and  linen  drawers,  blue 
stockings,  and  old  shoes."  Ibid.,  Jan.  3,  1782.  Judith  wore  "  a  green 
jacket,  a  blue  petticoat,  old  shoes,  and  grey  stockings,  and  generally 
wears  silver  bobbs  in  her  ears."  Ibid.,  Feb.  16,  1747-1748. 

7  Amer.   Weekly  Mercury,  Jan.  31,    1721;  Jan.   31,   1731;   Pa.   Gazette, 
Oct.  22,  1747;  May  5,   1748;  Apr.   16,   1761;  Jan.  3,   1782;  Pa.  Journal, 
Feb.  5,   1750-1751;  Pa.  Mag.,  XVIII,  385. 

8  Pa.  Gazette,  May  3,   1775.     Supported  by  advertisements  passim. 


40  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

negro  cabins  and  quarters  for  the  hands  never  became  a 
distinctive  feature.  Slaves  occupied  such  lodgings  as 
were  assigned  to  white  servants,  generally  in  the  house 
of  the  master.  This  was  doubtless  not  the  case  where 
a  large  number  was  held.  They  can  hardly  have  been 
so  accommodated  by  Jonathan  Dickinson  of  Philadel 
phia,  who  had  thirty-two.9 

In  the  matter  of  service  their  lot  was  a  fortunate  one. 
There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  they  were  treated  much 
more  kindly  than  the  negroes  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
that  they  were  far  happier  than  the  slaves  in  the  lower 
South.  It  is  said  that  they  were  not  obliged  to  labor 
more  than  white  people,  and,  although  this  may  hardly 
have  been  so,  and  although,  indeed,  there  is  occasional 
evidence  that  they  were  worked  hard,  yet  for  the  most 
part  it  is  clear  that  they  were  not  overworked.10  The 
advertisements  of  negroes  for  sale  show,  as  might  be 
expected,  that  most  of  the  slaves  were  either  house- 
servants  or  farm-hands."  Nevertheless  the  others  were 

8  MS.  Dickinson  Papers,  unclassified.  A  farm  with  a  stone  house  for 
negroes  is  mentioned  in  Pa,  Gas.,  June  26,  1746.  "  Part  of  these  slaves 
lived  in  their  master's  family,  the  others  had  separate  cabins  on  the 
farm  where  they  reared  families  "...  "  Jacob  Minshall  Homestead  "  in 
Reminiscence,  Gleanings  and  Thoughts,  No.  I,  12. 

10  Kalm,  Travels,  I,  394.     For  treatment  of  negroes  in  the  West  Indies, 
cf.    Sandiford,   The   Mystery   of  Iniquity,   99    (1730);    Benezet,   A    Short 
Account  of  that  Part  of  Africa  Inhabited  by  the  Negroes  (1762),  55,  56, 
note;   Benezet,   A   Caution  and   Warning  to   Great  Britain  and  Her  Col 
onies  in  a  Short  Representation  of  the  Calamitous  State  of  the  Enslaved 
Negroes  (1766),  5-9;  Benezet,  Some  Historical  Account  of  Guinea  O771). 
chap.  VIII.     For  treatment  in  the  South,  cf.  Whitefield,   Three  Letters 
(1740),  13,  71;  Chastellux,   Voyage  en  Amerique  (1786),  130.    For  treat 
ment  in  Pennsylvania  cf.   Kalm,   Travels,  I,   394;    St.   John   Crevecoeur, 
Letters,  221.     Acrelius  says  that  the  negroes  at  the  iron-furnaces  were 
allowed   to  stop   work  for  "  four  months  in   summer,   when   the  heat  is 
most   oppressive."      Description,    168. 

11  Mercury,  Gazette,  and  Pa.  Packet,  passim.  Most  of  the  taverns  seem 
to  have  had   negro   servants.     Cf.   MS.   Assessment   Book,   Chester  Co., 
1769,  p.  146;  of  Bucks  Co.,   1779,  p.  84. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  41 

engaged  in  a  surprisingly  large  number  of  different  oc 
cupations.  Among  them  were  bakers,  blacksmiths,  brick 
layers,  brush-makers,  carpenters,  coopers,  curriers,  dis 
tillers,  hammermen,  refiners,  sail-makers,  sailors,  shoe 
makers,  tailors,  and  tanners.12  The  negroes  employed  at 
the  iron-furnaces  received  special  mention.13  The 
women  cooked,  sewed,  did  house-work,  and  at  times 
were  employed  as  nurses."  When  the  service  of  ne 
groes  was  needed  they  were  often  hired  from  their 
masters,  but  as  a  rule  they  were  bought."  They  were 
frequently  trusted  and  treated  almost  like  members  of 
the  family.19 

a  Mercury,  Mar.  3,  1723-1724;  Dec.  15,  1724;  July  4,  1728;  Aug.  24, 
1732;  Gazette,  Feb.  7,  1740;  Dec.  3,  1741;  May  20,  1742;  Nov.  i,  1744; 
July  9,  Dec.  3,  1761;  Packet,  July  5,  1733. 

13  "  The    laborers   are   generally   composed    partly    of   negroes    (slaves) 
partly  of  servants  from  Germany  or  Ireland  "...    Acrelius,  Description, 
168.     Cf.  Gabriel  Thomas,  An  Historical  and  Geographical  Account  of  the 
Province  and  Country  of  Pensilvania  (1698),  etc.,  28. 

14  Mercury,  Jan.    16,    1727-1728;  July  25,   1728;  Nov.   7,  1728.  Gazette, 
July  17,  1740;  Mar.  31,  1743.     "  A  compleat  washerwoman  "  is  advertised 
in  the  Gazette,  Oct.   i,   1761;  also  "an  extraordinary  washer  of  clothes," 
Gazette,   Apr.    12,   1775;  Penn-Physick,  MSS  IV,  203    (1740). 

"  Gazette,  May  19,  1743;  July  n,  1745;  Nov.  5,  1761;  May  15,  1776; 
Dec.  15,  1779.  Cf.  notices  in  William  Penn's  Cash  Book  (MS.),  3,  6,  9, 
15,  18;  John  Wilson's  Cash  Book  (MS.),  Feb.  23,  1776;  MS.  Phila.  Ac 
count  Book,  38  (1694);  MS.  Logan  Papers,  II,  259  (1707);  Richard 
Hayes's  Ledger  (MS.),  88  (1716). 

19  Cf.  the  numerous  allusions  to  his  negro  woman  made  by  Christo 
pher  Marshall  in  his  Remembrancer.  An  entry  in  John  Wilson's  Cash 
Book  (MS.),  Apr.  27,  1770,  says:  "  paid  his  "  (Joseph  Pemberton's) 
"  Negro  woman  Market  mony  .  .  .  7/6."  The  following  advertisement  is 
illustrative,  although  perhaps  it  reveals  the  advertiser's  art  as  much  as 
the  excellence  and  reliability  of  the  negress.  "  A  likely  young  Negroe 
Wench,  who  can  cook  and  wash  well,  and  do  all  Sorts  of  House-work; 
and  can  from  Experience,  be  recommended  both  for  her  Honesty  and 
Sobriety,  having  often  been  trusted  with  the  Keys  of  untold  Money,  and 
Liquors  of  various  Sorts,  none  of  which  she  will  taste.  She  is  no  Idler, 
Company-keeper  or  Gadder  abroad.  She  has  also  a  fine,  hearty  young 
Child,  not  quite  a  Year  old,  which  is  the  only  Reason  for  selling  her, 
because  her  Mistress  is  very  sickly,  and  can't  bear  the  Trouble  of  it." 
Pa.  Gazette,  Apr.  2,  1761. 


42  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

When  the  day's  work  was  over  the  negroes  of  Penn 
sylvania  seem  to  have  had  time  of  their  own  which  they 
were  not  too  tired  to  enjoy.  Some  no  doubt  found 
recreation  in  their  masters'  homes,  gossipping,  singing, 
and  playing  on  rude  instruments."  Many  sought  each 
other's  company  and  congregated  together  after  night 
fall.  In  Philadelphia,  at  any  rate,  during  the  whole 
colonial  period,  crowds  of  negroes  infesting  the  streets 
after  dark  behaved  with  such  rough  and  boisterous  mer 
riment  that  they  were  a  nuisance  to  the  whole  com 
munity.18  At  times  negroes  were  given  days  of  their 
own.  They  were  allowed  to  go  from  one  place  to  an 
other,  and  were  often  permitted  to  visit  members  of 
their  families  in  other  households.19  Moreover,  holi 
days  were  not  grudged  them.  It  is  said  that  in  Philadel 
phia  at  the  time  of  fairs,  the  blacks  to  the  number  of  a 
thousand  of  both  sexes  used  to  go  to  "  Potter's  Field," 
and  there  amuse  themselves,  dancing,  singing,  and  re 
joicing,  in  native  barbaric  fashion.10 

If,  now,  from  material  comfort  we  turn  to  .the  matter 
of  the  moral  and  intellectual  well-being  of  the  slaves, 
we  find  that  considering  the  time,  surprising  efforts 
were  made  to  help  them.  In  Pennsylvania  there  seems 

17  "  Thou  Knowest  Negro  Peters  Ingenuity  In  making  for  himself  and 
playing  on  a  fiddle  \vth  out  any  assistance  as  the  thing  in  them  is  Inno 
cent  and   diverting  and   may   keep   them   from  worse   Employmt   I   have 
to  Encourage  in  my  Service  promist  him  one  from  Engld  therefore  buy 
and  bring  a  good  Strong  well  made  Violin  wth  2  or  3  Sets  of  spare  Gut 
for  the  Suitable  Strings  get  somebody  of  skill  to  Chuse  and  by  it  "... 
MS.  Isaac  Norris,  Letter  Book,  1719,  p.  185. 

18  See  above,  pp.  32-34- 

19  "  Our  Negro  woman  got  leave  to  visit  her  children  in  Bucks  County." 
Christopher7  Marshall's   Remembrancer,    D,  Jan.    7,    1776.     "This   after 
noon  came  home  our  Negro  woman  Dinah."     Ibid.,  D,  Jan.   15,  1776. 

30  Watson,  Annals,  I,  406.  Cf.  letter  of  William  Hamilton  of  Lancas 
ter:  "  Yesterday  (being  Negroes  Holiday)  I  took  a  ride  into  Maryland." 
Pa.  Mag.,  XXIX,  257. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  43 

never  to  have  been  opposition  to  improving  them.  Not 
much  was  done,  it  is  true,  and  perhaps  most  of  the  ne 
groes  were  not  reached  by  the  efforts  made.  It  must 
be  remembered,  however,  what  violent  hostility  mere 
efforts  aroused  in  some  other  places.81 

There  is  the  statement  of.  a  careful  observer  that 
masters  desired  by  all  means  to  hinder  their  negroes 
from  being  instructed  in  the  doctrines  of  Christianity, 
and  to  let  them  live  on  in  pagan  darkness.  This  he  as 
cribes  to  a  fear  that  negroes  would  grow  too  proud  on 
seeing  themselves  upon  a  religious  level  with  their 
masters.22  Some  weight  must  be  attached  to  this  ac 
count,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  writer  was  roughly  ap 
plying  to  Pennsylvania  what  he  had  learned  in  other 
places,  for  against  his  assertion  much  specific  evidence 
can  be  arrayed. 

The  attention  of  the  Friends  was  directed  to  this  sub 
ject  very  early.  The  counsel  of  George  Fox  was  ex 
plicit.  Owners  were  to  give  their  slaves  religious  in 
struction  and  teach  them  the  Gospel.23  In  1693  the 
Keithian  Quakers  when  advising  that  masters  should 
hold  their  negroes  only  for  a  term  of  years,  enjoined 
that  during  such  time  they  should  give  these  negroes 
a  Christian  education.24  In  1700  Penn  appears  .to  have 

ai  For  the  treatment  of  William  Edmundson  when  he  tried  to  convert 
negroes  in  the  West  Indies,  cf.  his  Journal,  85 ;  Gough,  A  History  of  the 
People  Called  Quakers,  III,  61.  Cf.  MS.  Board  of  Trade  Journals,  III, 
191  (1680). 

23  Kalm,  Travels,  I,  397.  "  It's  obvious,  that  the  future  Welfare  of 
those  poor  Slaves  ...  is  generally  too  much  disregarded  by  those  who 
keep  them."  An  Epistle  of  Caution  and  Advice,  Concerning  the  Buying 
and  Keeping  of  Slaves  (1754),  5.  This,  however,  is  neglect  rather  than 
opposition. 

23  Fox's  Epistles,  in  Friend's  Library,  I,  79  (1679). 

24  "  An    Exhortation    and    Caution   to    Friends    Concerning   buying    or 
keeping  of  Negroes,"  in  Pa.  Mag.,  XIII,  267. 


44  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

been  able  to  get  a  Monthly  Meeting  established  for 
them,  but  of  the  meeting  no  record  has  come  down/5 
As  to  what  was  the  actual  practice  of  Friends  in  this 
matter  .their  early  records  give  meagre  information.  It 
seems  certain  that  negroes  were  not  allowed  to  partici 
pate  in  their  meetings,  though  sometimes  they  were 
taken  to  the  meeting-houses.28  It  is  probable  that  in 
great  part  the  religious  work  of  the  Friends  among 
slaves  was  confined  to  godly  advice  and  reading.27  As  to 
the  amount  and  quality  of  such  advice,  the  well  known 
character  of  the  Friends  leaves  no  doubt. 

The  Moravians,  who  were  most  zealous  in  converting 
negroes,  did  not  reach  a  great  number  in  Pennsylvania, 
because  few  were  held  by  them;  nevertheless  they 
labored  successfully,  and  received  negroes  amongst 
them  on  terms  of  religious  equality.28  This  also  the 
Lutherans  did  to  some  extent,  negroes  being  baptized 
among  them.28  It  is  in  the  case  of  the  Episcopalians, 
however,  that  the  most  definite  knowledge  remains.  The 
records  of  Christ  Church  show  that  the  negroes  who 
were  baptized  made  no  inconsiderable  proportion  of  the 
total  number  baptized  in  the  congregation.  For  a 
period  of  more  than  seventy  years  such  baptisms  are  re 
corded,  and  are  sometimes  numerous.80  At  this  church, 

25  Proud,  History  of  Pennsylvania,  423;  Gordon,  History  of  Penn 
sylvania,  114. 

20 "  Several  "  (negroes)  "  are  brought  to  Meetings."  MS.  Minutes 
Radnor  Monthly  Meetings,  1763-1772,  p.  79  (1764).  "Most  of  those 
possessed  of  them  .  .  .  often  bring  them  to  our  Meetings."  Ibid.,  175 

(1767)- 

27  Cf.  MS.  Yearly  Meeting  Advices,  1682-1777,  "  Negroes  or  Slaves." 

28  Cranz,  The  Ancient  and  Modern  History  of  the  Brethren  .  .  .  Unitas 
Fratrum,  600,  601;   Ogden,  An  Excursion  into  Bethlehem  and  Nazareth 
in  Pennsylvania,  89,  90;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  Ill,  75;  Pa.  Mag.,  XXIX,  363. 

29  Cf.  Bean,  History  of  Montgomery  County,  302. 

30  MS.  Records  of  Christ  Church,  Phila.,  I,  19,  43,  44,  46,  49,  132,  168, 
271,  273,  274,  276,  277,  280,  281,  282,  283,  288,  293,  306,  312,  314,  333, 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  JfSPECTS  45 

also,  there  was  a  minister  who  had  special  charge  of  the 
religious  instruction  of  negroes.81  It  is  possible  that 
something  may  have  been  accomplished  by  missionaries 
and  itinerant  exhorters.  This  was  certainly  so  when 
Whitefield  visited  Pennsylvania  in  1740.  Both  he  and 
his  friend  Seward  noted  with  peculiar  satisfaction  the 
results  which  they  had  attained.33  Work  of  some  value 
was  also  done  by  wandering  negro  exhorters,  who,  ap 
pearing  at  irregular  intervals,  assembled  little  groups 
and  preached  in  fields  and  orchards.38 

Something  was  also  accomplished  for  negroes  in  the 
maintenance  of  family  life.  In  1700  Penn,  anxious  to 
improve  their  moral  condition,  sent  to  the  Assembly 
a  bill  for  the  regulation  of  their  marriages,  but  much 
to  his  grief  this  was  defeated.84  In  the  absence  of  such 

337,  34i»  342,  344,  352.  353,  359,  37*,  379.  383,  388,  392,  397,  399,  416, 
440,  441.  Baptisms  were  very  frequent  in  the  years  1752  and  1753.  Very 
many  of  the  slaves  admitted  were  adults,  whereas  in  the  case  of  free 
negroes  at  the  same  period  most  of  the  baptisms  were  of  children. 

81  William  Macclanechan,  writing  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in 
1760,  says:  "  On  my  Journey  to  New-England,  I  arrived  at  the  oppulent 
City  of  Philadelphia,  where  I  paid  my  Compliments  to  the  Rev'd  Dr. 
Jenney,  Minister  of  Christ's  Church  in  that  City,  and  to  the  Rev'd  Mr. 
Sturgeon,  Catechist  to  the  Negroes."  H.  W.  Smith,  Life  and  Corres 
pondence  of  the  Rev.  William  Smith,  I,  238. 

83  "  Many  negroes  came,  .  .  .  some  enquiring,  have  I  a  soul?  "  Gillies 
and  Seymour,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Character  of  .  .  .  Rev.  George 
Whitefield  (3d  ed.),  55.  "I  believe  near  Fifty  Negroes  came  to  give  me 
Thanks,  under  God,  for  what  has  been  done  to  their  Souls  .  .  .  Some  of 
them  have  been  effectually  wrought  upon,  and  in  an  uncommon  Manner." 
A  Continuation  of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield's  Journal,  65,  66. 
"  Visited  a  Negroe  and  prayed  with  her,  and  found  her  Heart  touched  by 
Divine  Grace.  Praised  be  the  Lord,  methinks  one  Negroe  brought  to 
Jesus  Christ  is  peculiarly  sweet  to  my  Soul."  W.  Seward,  Journal  of  a 
Voyage  from  Savannah  to  Philadelphia,  etc.,  Apr.  18,  174°. 

83  "  This  afternoon  a  Negro  man  from  Cecil  County  maryland  preached 
in  orchard  opposite  to  ours,  there  was  Sundry  people,  they  said  he  spoke 
well  for  near  an  hour."  MS.  Ch.  Marshall's  Remembrancer,  E,  July  13, 
1779. 

84 "  Then  (the  pror  and  Gov.)  proposed  to  them  the  necessitie  of  a 
law  ...  about  the  marriages  of  negroes."  Col.  Rec.,  I,  598,  606,  610;  Votes 


46  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

legislation  they  came  under  the  law  which  forbade 
servants  to  marry  during  their  servitude  without  the 
master's  consent.35  Doubtless  in  this  matter  there  was 
much  of  the  laxity  which  is  inseparable  from  slavery, 
but  it  is  said  that  many  owners  allowed  their  slaves  to 
marry  in  accordance  with  inclination,  except  that  a 
master  would  try  to  have  his  slaves  marry  among  them 
selves.36  The  marriage  ceremony  was  often  performed 
just  as  in  the  case  of  white  people,  the  records  of  Christ 
Church  containing  many  instances.37  The  children  of 
these  unions  were  taught  submission  to  their  parents, 
who  were  indulged,  it  is  said,  in  educating,  cherishing, 

and  Proceedings,  I,  120,  121;  Bottle,  "Notices  of  Negro  Slavery  as 
connected  with  Pennsylvania,"  in  Mem.  Hist.  Soc.  Pa.,  VI,  368;  Clark- 
son,  Life  of  Penn,  II,  80-82.  Clarkson  attributes  the  defeat  to  the  lessen 
ing  of  Quaker  influence,  the  lower  tone  of  the  later  immigrants,  and 
temporary  hostility  to  the  executive.  More  probably  the  bill  failed  be 
cause  stable  marriage  relations  have  always  been  found  incompatible 
with  the  ready  movement  and  transfer  of  slave  property;  and  because  at 
this  early  period  the  slaveholders  recognized  this  fact,  and  were  not 
yet  disposed  to  allow  their  slaves  to  marry. 

33  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  22.  Cf.  Commonwealth  v.  Clements  (1814),  6 
Binney  210. 

30  St.  John  Crevecreur,  Letters,  221;  Kalm,  Travels,  I,  391.  Kalm  adds 
that  it  was  considered  an  advantage  to  have  negro  women,  since  other 
wise  the  offspring  belonged  to  another  master. 

37  MS.  Rec.  Christ  Church,  4239,  4317,  4361,  4370,  4371,  4373,  4376, 
4379.  438i,  4404,  4405;  MS.  Rec.  First  Reformed  Church,  4158,  4315; 
MS.  Rec.  St.  Michael's  and  Zion,  109.  Among  the  Friends  there  are 
very  few  records  of  such  marriages.  Cf.  however,  MS.  Journal  of  Joshua 
Brown,  5  2d  mo.,  1774:  ..."  I  rode  to  Philadelphia  .  .  .  and  Lodged  that 
Night  at  William  Browns  and  sth  day  of  the  moth  I  Spent  in  town  and 
Was  at  a  Negro  Wedding  in  the  Eving  Where  Several  per  Mett  and  had 
a  Setting  with  them  and  they  took  Each  other  and  the  Love  of  God  Seemd 
to  be  Extended  to  them  "...  A  negro  marriage  according  to  Friends' 
ceremony  is  recorded  in  MS.  Deed  Book  O,  234,  West  Chester.  Cf. 
Mittelberger,  Journey,  106,  "  The  blacks  are  likewise  married  in  the 
English  fashion."  There  must  have  been  much  laxity,  however,  for  only 
a  part  of  which  the  negroes  were  to  blame.  "  They  are  suffered,  with 
impunity,  to  cohabit  together,  without  being  married,  and  to  part,  v/hen 
solemnly  engaged  to  one  another  as  man  and  wife  "...  Benezet,  Some 
Historical  Account  of  Guinea,  134. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  47 

and  chastising  them.87*  Stable  family  life  among  the 
slaves  was  made  possible  by  the  conditions  of  slavery 
in  Pennsylvania,  there  being  no  active  interchange  of 
negroes.  When  they  were  bought  or  sold  families  were 
kept  together  as  much  as  possible.38 

In  one  matter  connected  with  religious  observances 
race  prejudice  was  shown :  negroes  were  not  as  a  rule 
buried  in  the  cemeteries  of  white  people.39  In  some  of 
the  Friends'  records  and  elsewhere  there  is  definite  pro 
hibition.40  They  were  often  buried  in  their  masters' 
orchards,  or  on  the  edge  of  woodlands.  The  Philadel 
phia  negroes  were  buried  in  a  particular  place  outside 
the  city.41 

Under  the  kindly  treatment  accorded  them  the  negroes 
of  colonial  Pennsylvania  for  the  most  part  behaved 
fairly  well.  It  is  true  that  there  is  evidence  that  crime 
among  them  assumed  grave  proportions  at  times,  while 
the  records  of  the  special  courts  and  items  in  the  news 
papers  show  that  there  occurred  murder,  poisoning, 
arson,  burglary,  and  rape.42  In  addition  there  was  fre- 

37  •  St.  John  Crevecceur,  Letters,  222. 

88  "  Acco1  of  Negroes  Dr.  .  .  .  for  my  Negroe  Cuffee  and  his  Wife  Rose 
and  their  Daughter  Jenny  bo*  of  Wm  Banloft  .  .  .  76/3/10."  MS.  James 
Logan's  Account  Book,  go  (1714).  "  Wanted,  Four  or  Five  Negro  Men  .  .  . 
if  they  have  families,  wives,  or  children,  all  will  be  purchased  together." 
Pa.  Packet,  Aug.  22,  1778.  Cf.  also  Mercury,  June  4,  1724;  June  21,  1739; 
Independent  Gasetecr,  July  14,  1792.  Cf.  however,  Benezet,  Some  His 
torical  Account  of  Guinea,  136;  Crawford,  Observations  upon  Negro 
Slavery  (1784),  23,  24;  Pa.  Packet,  Jan.  i,  1780. 

39  This  was  not  always  the  case.  The  MS.  Rec.  of  Sandy  Bank  Ceme 
tery,  Delaware  Co.,  contains  the  names  of  two  negroes. 

*  MS.  Minutes  Middletown  Monthly  Meeting,  2d  Book  A,  171,  558, 
559;  Pa.  Mag.,  VIII,  419;  Isaac  Comly,  "  Sketches  of  the  History  of 
Byberry,"  in  Mem.  Hist.  Soc.  Pa.,  II,  194.  There  were  exceptions,  how 
ever.  Cf.  MS.  Bk.  of  Rec.  Merion  Meeting  Grave  Yard. 

41  Bean,  Hist.  Montgomery  Co.,  302;  Martin,  Hist  of  Chester,  80; 
Kalm,  Travels,  I,  44;  Pa.  Gazette,  Nov.  15,  1775. 

43  5 tat.  at  L.,  IV,  59;  Col.  Rec.,  II,  18;  i  Pa.  Arch.  XI,  667;  Mercury, 
Apr.  12,  1739;  Phila.  Staatsbote,  Jan.  16,  1764;  Pa.  Gazette,  Nov.  12, 


48  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

quent  complaint  about  tumultuous  assembling  and  bois 
terous  conduct,  and  there  was  undoubtedly  much  pilfer 
ing.43  Moreover  the  patience  of  many  indulgent  mas 
ters  was  tried  by  the  shiftless  behavior  and  insolent 
bearing  of  their  slaves.44  Yet  the  graver  crimes  stand 
out  in  isolation  rather  than  in  mass ;  and  it  is  too  much 
to  expect  an  entire  absence  of  the  lesser  ones.  The  white 
people  do  not  seem  to  have  regarded  their  negroes  as 
dangerous.45  Almost  never  were  there  efforts  for  severe 
repression,  and  a  slave  insurrection  seems  hardly  to 
have  been  thought  of.4*  There  are  no  statistics  what 
ever  on  which  to  base  an  estimate,  but  judging  from  the 
relative  frequency  of  notices  it  seems  probable  that  crime 
among  the  negroes  of  Pennsylvania  during  the  slavery 
period — no  doubt  because  they  were  under  better  con 
trol — was  less  than  at  any  period  thereafter. 

But  there  was  a  misdemeanor  of  another  kind :  negro 

1761.  For  an  instance  of  a  slave  killing  his  master,  cf.  MS.  Supreme 
Court  Papers,  XXI,  3546.  This  was  very  rare.  Pa.  Mag.,  XIII,  449. 
According  to  Judge  Bradford's  statement  arson  was  "  the  crime  of  slaves 
and  children."  Journal  of  Senate  of  Pa.,  1792-1793,  p.  52;  Col.  Rec.,  IV, 
243,  244,  259;  XII,  377;  MS.  Miscellaneous  Papers,  Feb.  25,  1780.  Cf. 
especially  MS.  Records  of  Special  Courts  for  the  Trial  of  Negroes;  Col. 
Rec.,  IX,  648;  MS.  Streper  Papers,  55. 

43  In  1737  the  Council  spoke  of  the  "  insolent  Behaviour  of  the  Negroes 
in  and  about  the  city,  which  has  of  late  been  so  much  taken  notice  of  "... 
Col.   Rec.,   IV,   244;    Votes  and  Proceedings,   IV,   171.     As  to   pilfering 
Franklin  remarked  that  almost  every  slave  was  by  nature  a  thief.     Works 
(ed.   Sparks),  II,  315. 

44  The  following  has  not  lost  all  significance.     "  I  was  much  Disturbed 
after  I  came  our  girl  Poll  driving  her  same  stroke  of  Impudence  as  when 
she  was  in  Philada  and  her  mistress  so  hood-winked  by  her  as  not  to  see 
it  which  gave  me  much  uneasiness  and  which  I  am  determined  not  to  put 
up  with"  .  .  .  Ch.  Marshall,  Remembrancer,  D,  Aug.  4,   1777.     Cf.  also 
Remarks  on  the  Quaker  Unmasked  (1764). 

43  As  shown  by  the  very  careless  enforcement  of  the  special  regu 
lations. 

48  Except  immediately  following  the  negro  "  insurrection  "  in  New 
York  in  1712.  Cf.  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  433;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  IV,  792;  2  Pa.  Arch., 
XV,  368. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  49 

slaves  frequently  ran  away.  Fugitives  are  mentioned 
from  the  first,47  and  there  is  hardly  a  copy  of  any  of  the 
old  papers  but  has  an  advertisement  for  some  negro  at 
large.*8  These  notices  sometimes  advise  that  the  slave 
has  stolen  from  his  master;  often  that  he  has  a  pass, 
and  is  pretending  to  be  a  free  negro ;  and  occasionally 
that  a  free  negro  is  suspected  of  harboring  him.48 

The  law  against  harboring  was  severe  and  was  strictly 
enforced.  Anyone  might  take  up  a  suspicious  negro; 
while  whoever  returned  a  runaway  to  his  master  was  by 
law  entitled  to  receive  five  shillings  and  expenses.  It 
was  always  the  duty  of  the  local  authorities  to  appre 
hend  suspects.  When  this  occurred  the  procedure  was 
to  lodge  the  negro  in  jail,  and  advertise  for  the  master, 
who  might  come,  and  after  proving  title  and  paying 
costs,  take  him  away.  Otherwise  the  negro  was  sold 

47  "  A  negro  man  and  a  White  Woman  servant  being  taken  up  ...  and 
brought  before  John  Simcocke  Justice  in  Commission  for  runaways  Who 
upon  Examination  finding  they  had  noe  lawful  Passe  Comitted  them  to 
Prison"  .  .  .     MS.  Court  Rec.  Penna.  and  Chester  Co.,   1681-88,  p.  75; 
MS.  New  Castle  Ct.  Rec.,  Liber  A,  158  (1677);  MS.  Minutes  Ct.  Quarter 
Sess.    Bucks   Co.,    1684-1730,   p.    138    (1690);    MS.   Minutes   Chester   Co. 
Courts,   1681-1697,  p.  222   (1694-1695).    For  the  continual  going  away  of 
Christopher  Marshall's  "  Girl  Poll,"  see  his  Remembrancer,  vol.   D. 

48  The  following  is  not  only  typical,  but  is  very  interesting  on  its  own 
account,   since   Abraham   Lincoln   was  a  descendcnt   of  the   family  men 
tioned.     "  RUN  away  on  the   i3th  of  September  last  from  Abraham  Lin 
coln  of  Springfield  in  the  County  of  Chester,  a  Negro  Man  named  Jack, 
about  30  Years  of  Age,  low  Stature,  speaks  little  or  no  English,  has  a 
Scar  by  the  Corner  of  one  Eye,  in  the  Form  of  a  V,  his  Teeth  notched, 
and  the  Top  of  one  on  his  Fore  Teeth  broke;  He  had  on  when  he  went 
away  an  old  Hat,  a  grey  Jacket  partly  like  a  Sailor's  Jacket.     Whoever 
secures  the   said   Negro,   and  brings  him   to   his   Master,   or  to   Mordecai 
Lincoln  .  .  .  shall  have  Twenty  Shillings  Reward  and  reasonable  Charges." 
Pa.  Gazette,  Oct.  15,  1730. 

49  Mercury,  Apr.    18,   1723;  July   n,  1723;  Gazette,  May  3,  1744;  Feb. 
22,   1775;  July  28,   1779;  Jan.   17,   1782;  Packet,  Oct.   13,    1778;  Aug.  3, 
1779.    One  negro  indentured  himself  to  a  currier.     Gazette,  Aug.  30,  1775. 
Such  negroes  the  community  was  warned  not  to  employ,     ^icket,  Feb. 
27,   i?79- 


50  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

for  a  short  time  to  satisfy  jail  fees,  advertised  again,  and 
finally  either  set  at  liberty  or  disposed  of  as  pleased  the 
local  court." 

This  fleeing  from  service  on  the  part  of  negro  slaves, 
while  varying  somewhat  in  frequency,  was  fairly  con 
stant  during  the  whole  slavery  period,  increasing  as  the 
number  of  slaves  grew  larger.  During  the  British  oc 
cupation  of  Philadelphia,  however,  it  assumed  such 
enormous  proportions  that  .the  number  of  negroes  held 
there  was  permanently  lowered."  Notwithstanding, 
then,  the  kindly  treatment  they  received,  slaves  in  Penn 
sylvania  ran  away.  Nevertheless  it  is  significant  that 
during  the  same  period  white  servants  ran  away  more 
than  twice  as  often." 

Many  traits  of  daily  life  and  marks  of  personal  ap 
pearance  which  no  historian  has  described,  are  pre 
served  in  the  advertisements  of  the  daily  papers.  Al 
most  every  negro  seems  to  have  had  the  smallpox.  To 
have  done  with  this  and  the  measles  was  justly  con 
sidered  an  enhancement  in  value.  Some  of  the  negroes 
kidnapped  from  Africa  still  bore  traces  of  their  savage 
ancestry.  Not  a  few  spoke  several  languages.  Gener- 

50  The  penalty  was  thirty  shillings  for  every  day.  Stat.  at  L.,  IV, 
64  (1725-1726).  There  was  need  for  regulation  from  the  first.  Cf.  Col. 
Rec.,  I,  117.  An  advertisement  from  Reading  in  Gazette,  July  31,  1776, 
explains  the  procedure  when  suspects  were  held  in  jail.  Such  advertise 
ments  recur  frequently.  Cf.  Mercury,  Aug.  13,  1730  (third  notice); 
Gazette,  Dec.  27,  1774;  Packet,  Mar.  23,  1779. 

61  For  negroes  carried  off  or  who  ran  away  at  this  time  cf.  MS.  Mis 
cellaneous  Papers,  Sept.  i,  1778;  Nov.  19,  1778;  Aug.  20,  1779;  and 
others.  Numbers  of  strange  negroes  were  reported  to  be  wandering 
around  in  Northumberland  County.  Ibid.,  Aug.  29,  1780.  In  1732  the 
Six  Nations  had  been  asked  not  to  harbor  runaway  negroes,  since  they 
were  "  the  Support  and  Livelihood  of  their  Masters,  and  gett  them  their 
Bread."  4  Pa.  Arch.,  II,  657,  658. 

82  So  I  judge  from  statistics  which  I  have  compiled  from  the  adver 
tisements  in  the  newspapers. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  51 

ally  they  were  fond  of  gay  dress.  Some  carried  fiddles 
when  they  ran  away.  One  had  made  considerable 
money  by  playing.  Many  little  hints  as  to  character  ap 
pear.  Thus  Mona  is  full  of  flattery.  Cuff  Dix  is  fond 
of  liquor.  James  chews  abundance  of  tobacco.  Stephen 
has  a  "  sower  countenance  " ;  Harry,  "  meek  counten 
ance  "  ;  Rachel,  "  remarkable  austere  countenance  "  ; 
Dick  is  "  much  bandy  legged  " ;  Violet,  "  pretty,  lusty, 
and  fat."  A  likely  negro  wench  is  sold  because  of  her 
breeding  fast.  One  negro  says  that  he  has  been  a 
preacher  among  the  Indians.  Two  others  fought  a  duel 
with  pistols.  A  hundred  years  has  involved  no  great 
change  in  character." 

Finally,  on  the  basis  of  information  drawn  from  rare 
and  miscellaneous  sources  it  becomes  apparent  that  in 
slavery  times  there  was  more  kindliness  and  intimacy 
between  the  races  than  existed  afterwards.  In  those 
days  many  slaves  were  treated  as  if  part  of  the  master's 
family :  when  sick  they  were  nursed  and  cared  for ;  when 
too  old  to  work  they  were  provided  for ;  and  some  were 
remembered  in  the  master's  will."  Negroes  did  run 

53  Mercury,  Apr.  18,  1723;  Packet,  July  16,  1778;  Gazette,  June  12, 
1740;  Feb.  4,  1775;  Jan.  3,  1776;  July  2,  1781;  Gazette,  Nov.  17,  1748; 
Feb.  21,  1775.  "  '  Old  Dabbo  '  an  African  Negro  .  .  .  call'd  here  for  some 
victuals  .  .  .  He  had  three  gashes  on  each  cheek  made  by  his  mother  when 
he  was  a  child  .  .  .  His  conversation  is  scarcely  intelligible  ";  MS.  Diary 
of  Joel  Swaync,  1823-1833,  Mar.  27,  1828.  Mercury,  Aug.  6,  1730; 
Packet,  Aug.  26,  1779;  Gazette,  July  31,  1739-1740;  Mercury,  June  24, 
1725;  Packet,  June  22,  1789;  Packet,  Dec.  31,  1778;  Gazette,  Sept.  10, 
1741;  July  21,  1779;  Sept.  n,  1746;  Oct.  16,  1776;  July  30,  1747;  May 
14,  1747;  Oct.  22,  1747;  Aug.  30,  1775;  Mar.  22,  1747-1748;  July  24, 
1776;  Apr.  23,  1761;  July  5,  1775;  Packet,  Jan.  26,  1779. 

64  "  My  Dear  Companion  .  .  .  has  really  her  hands  full,  Cow  to  milk, 
breakfast  to  get,  her  Negro  woman  to  bath,  give  medicine,  Cap  up  with 
flannels,  as  She  is  allways  Sure  to  be  poorly  when  the  weather  is  cold, 
Snowy  and  Slabby.  its  then  She  gives  her  Mistriss  a  deal  of  fatigue  and 
trouble  in  attending  on  her."  Ch.  Marshall,  Remembrancer,  E,  Mar.  25, 
1779.  "  To  Israel  Taylor  p  order  of  the  Com*  for  Cureing  negro  Jack 


52  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

away,  and  numbers  of  them  desired  to  be  free,  but  when 
manumission  came  not  a  few  of  them  preferred  to  stay 
with  their  former  owners.  It  was  the  opinion  of  an  ad 
vocate  of  emancipation  that  they  were  better  off  as 
slaves  than  they  could  possibly  be  as  freemen.55 

Such  was  slavery  in  Pennsylvania.  If  on  the  one 
hand  there  was  the  chance  of  families  being  sold  apart ; 
if  there  was  seen  the  cargo,  the  slave-drove,  the  auction 
sale;  it  must  be  remembered  that  such  things  are  in 
separable  from  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  that  on  the 
other  hand  they  were  rare,  and  not  to  be  weighed  against 
the  positive  comfort  and  well-being  of  which  there  is 
such  abundant  proof.  If  ever  it  be  possible  not  to  con 
demn  modern  slavery,  it  might  seem  that  slavery  as  it 
existed  in  Pennsylvania  in  the  eighteenth  century  was 
a  good,  probably  for  the  masters,  certainly  for  the 

legg  .  .  .  4/10  To  Roger  Parke  for  Curcing  negro  sam  .  .  .  /g/g."  MS. 
William  Penn's  Account  Book,  1690-1693,  p.  8.  A  bill  for  £10  10  sh. 
4d.  was  rendered  to  Thomas  Pcnn  for  nursing  and  burying  his  negro 
Sam.  Some  of  the  items  are  very  humorous.  MS.  Penn  Papers,  Ac 
counts  (unbound),  Feb.  19,  1741.  The  bill  for  Thomas  Penn's  negroes, 
Hagar,  Diana,  and  Susy,  for  the  years  1773  and  1774,  amounted  to  £5 
5  sh.  Penn-Physick  MSS.,  IV,  253.  An  item  in  a  bill  rendered  to  Mrs. 
Margaretta  Frame  is:  "  To  bleeding  her  Negro  man  Sussex  .  .  .  /2/6." 
MS.  Penn  Papers,  Accounts  (unbound),  June  5, 1742.  St.  John  Crevecoeur, 
Letters,  221.  Masters  were  compelled  by  law  to  support  their  old  slaves 
who  would  otherwise  have  become  charges  on  the  community.  Cf.  Stat. 
at  L.,  X,  70;  Laws  of  Pa.,  1803,  p.  103;  1835-1836,  pp.  546,  547.  In  very 
many  cases,  however,  old  negroes  were  maintained  comfortably  until 
death  in  the  families  where  they  had  served.  Cf.  MS.  Phila.  Wills,  X,  94 
(1794).  There  are  numerous  instances  of  negroes  receiving  property  by 
their  master's  wills.  Cf.  West  Chester  Will  Files,  no.  3759  (1785).  For  the 
darker  side  cf.  Lay,  All  Slave-Keepers  Apostates,  93. 

55  "  Many  of  those  whom  the  good  Quakers  have  emancipated  have 
received  the  great  benefit  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and  have  never  quitted, 
though  free,  their  former  masters  and  benefactors."  St.  John  Crevecoeur, 
Letters,  222;  Pa.  Mag.,  XVIII,  372,  373;  Buck,  MS.  History  of  Bucks 
Co.,  marginal  note  of  author  in  his  scrapbook.  For  the  superiority  of 
slavery  cf.  J.  Harriot,  Struggles  through  Life,  etc.,  II,  409.  Also  Wat 
son,  Annals,  II,  265. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  53 

slaves."  The  fact  is  that  it  existed  in  such  mitigated 
form  that  it  was  impossible  for  it  to  be  perpetuated. 
Whenever  men  can  treat  their  slaves  as  men  in  Pennsyl 
vania  treated  them,  they  are  living  in  a  moral  atmos 
phere  inconsistent  with  the  holding  of  slaves.  Nothing 
can  then  preserve  slavery  but  paramount  economic 
needs.  In  Pennsylvania,  since  such  needs  were  not 
paramount,  slavery  was  doomed. 

M  It  has  been  suggested  that  it  was  milder  than  the  system  under 
which  redemptioners  were  held,  and  that  hence  "  Quaker  scruples  against 
slavery  were  either  misplaced  or  insincere."  C.  A.  Herrick,  "  Indentured 
Labor  in  Pennsylvania,"  (MS.  thesis,  University  of  Pa.),  89.  An  exam 
ination  of  the  Quaker  records  would  have  shown  that  the  last  part  of 
this  statement  is  not  true.  See  below,  chaps.  IV,  V. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE  BREAKING  UP  OF  SLAVERY — MANUMISSION. 

IN  Pennsylvania  the  disintegration  of  slavery  began  as 
soon  as  slavery  was  established,  for  there  were  free  ne 
groes  in  the  colony  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century.1  Manumission  may  have  taken  place  earlier 
than  this,  for  in  1682  an  owner  made  definite  promise  of 
freedom  to  his  negro.1  The  first  indisputable  case  now 
known,  however,  occurred  in  1701,  when  a  certain  Lydia 
Wade  living  in  Chester  County  freed  her  slaves  by 
testament.8  In  the  same  year  William  Penn  on  his  re 
turn  to  England  liberated  his  blacks  likewise.4  Judging 
from  the  casual  and  unexpected  references  to  free  ne- 

1  It  is  of  course  possible  that  some  of  these  negroes  had  been  servants, 
and  that  their  period  of  service  was  over. 

2  "  Where  As  William  Clark  did  buy  ...   An  negor  man  Called  and 
knowen  by  the  name  of  black  Will  for  and  during  his  natrill  Life;  never 
the    Less   the   said   William    Clark   doe    for   the    Incourigment   of   the   sd 
neagor   servant    hereby   promise    Covenant   and   Agree;    that   if   the   said 
Black  Will  doe  well  and  Truely  sarve  the  said  William  Clark  .  .  .  five 
years  .  .  .  then  the  said  Black  Will  shall  be  Clear  and  free  of  and  from 
Any  further  or  Longer  Sarvicetime  or  Slavery  ...  as  wittnes  my  hand  this 
Thurteenth  day  of  ...  June  Anno;  Din;   1682."     MS.  Ancient  Rec.  of 
Sussex  Co.,   1681-1709,  p.    116. 

8  "  My  will  is  that  my  negroes  John  and  Jane  his  wife  shall  be  set 
free  one  month  after  my  decease."  Ashmead,  History  of  Delaware 
County,  203. 

4  "  I  give  to  ...  my  blacks  their  freedom  as  is  under  my  hand  already  " 
.  .  .  MS.  Will  of  William  Penn,  Newcastle  on  Delaware,  aoth  8br,  1701. 
This  will,  which  was  left  with  James  Logan,  was  not  carried  out.  Penn's 
last  will  contains  no  mention  of  his  negroes.  He  frequently  mentions 
them  elsewhere.  Cf.  MS.  Letters  and  Papers  of  William  Penn  (Dreer), 
29  (1689),  35  (1690);  Pa.  Mag.,  XXXIII,  316  (1690);  MS.  Logan  Papers. 
II,  98  (1703).  Cf.  also  Penn.  MSS.,  Official  Correspondence,  97. 

54 


MANUMISSION  55 

groes  which  come  to  light  from  time  to  time,  it  seems 
probable  that  other  masters  also  bestowed  freedom.  At 
any  rate  the  status  of  the  free  negro  had  come  to  be  rec 
ognized  about  this  time  as  one  to  be  protected  by  law,  for 
when  in  1703  Antonio  Garcia,  a  Spanish  mulatto,  was 
brought  to  Philadelphia  as  a  slave,  he  appealed  to  the 
provincial  Council,  and  presently  was  set  at  liberty.'  In 
1717  the  records  of  Christ  Church  mention  Jane,  a  free 
negress,  who  was  baptized  there  with  her  daughter.6 

This  freeing  of  negroes  at  so  early  a  time  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  colony  is  sufficiently  remarkable.  It  might  be 
expected  that  manumission  would  have  been  rare ;  and, 
indeed,  the  records  are  very  few  at  first.  Nevertheless 
a  law  passed  in  1725-1726  would  indicate  that  the  prac 
tice  was  by  no  means  unusual.7 

It  is  not  possible  to  say  what  was  the  immediate  cause 
of  the  passing  of  that  part  of  the  act  which  refers  to 
manumission.  It  may  have  been  the  growth  of  a  class 
of  black  freemen,  or  it  may  have  been  the  desire  to  check 
manumission ; "  but  it  was  probably  neither  of  these 
things  so  much  as  it  was  the  practice  of  masters  who  set 
free  their  infirm  slaves  when  the  labor  of  those  slaves 
was  no  longer  remunerative.8  This  practice  together 
with  the  usual  shiftlessness  of  most  of  the  freedmen 
makes  the  resulting  legislation  intelligible  enough.  It 

•  Col.  Rec.,  II,  120. 

6  Jane  "  a  free  negro  woman  "...    MS.  Rec.  Christ  Church,  46. 

1  "  Whereas  'tis  found  by  experience  that  free  negroes  are  an  idle, 
slothful  people  and  often  prove  burdensome  to  the  neighborhood  and  af 
ford  ill  examples  to  other  negroes  "...  "An  Act  for  the  better  regulating 
of  Negroes  in  this  Province."  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  61. 

•  "  Our  Ancestors  ...  for  a  long  time  deemed  it  policy  to  obstruct  the 
emancipation  of  Slaves  and  affected  to  consider  a  free  Negro  as  a  useless 
if  not  a  dangerous  being"  .  .  .  Letter  of  W.  Rawle  (1787),  in  MS.  Rec. 
Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  Slavery. 

9  Votes  and  Proceedings,  II,  336,  337. 


56  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

provided  that  thereafter  if  any  master  purposed  to  set 
his  negro  free,  he  should  obligate  himself  at  the  county 
court  to  secure  the  locality  in  which  the  negro  might 
reside  from  any  expense  occasioned  by  the  sickness  of 
the  negro  or  by  his  inability  to  support  himself.  If  a 
negro  received  liberty  by  will,  recognizance  should  be 
entered  into  by  the  executor  immediately.  Without  this 
no  negro  was  to  be  deemed  free.  The  security  was 
fixed  at  thirty  pounds.10 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  full  purpose  of  this  stat 
ute,  there  can  be  no  question  that  it  did  check  manumis 
sion  to  a  certain  extent.  A  standing  obligation  of  thirty 
pounds,  which  might  at  any  moment  become  an  un 
pleasant  reality,  when  added  to  the  other  sacrifices  which 
freeing  a  slave  entailed,  was  probably  sufficient  to  dis 
courage  many  who  possessed  mildly  good  intentions. 
Several  times  it  was  protested  that  the  amount  was  so 
excessive  as  to  check  the  beneficence  of  owners ; "  and 
on  one  occasion  it  was  computed  that  the  thirty  pounds 
required  did  not  really  suffice  to  support  such  negroes  as 
became  charges,  but  that  a  different  method  and  a 
smaller  sum  would  have  secured  better  results.12  The 

10 "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  of  Negroes  in  this  Province." 
Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  61  (1725-1726). 

11  "  This  is  however  very  expensive  for  they  are  obliged  to  make  a  pro 
vision  for  the  Negro  thus  set  at  liberty,  to  afford  him  subsistence  when  he 
is  grown  old,  that  he  may  not  be  driven  by  necessity  to  wicked  actions, 
or  that   he  may  be  at   anybody's  charge,   for  these   free   Negroes  become 
very  lazy  and  indolent  afterwards."     Kalm,   Travels,  I,  394   (1748). 

12  Cf.    Votes  and  Proceedings,   1767-1776,   p.   30.     The   author  of  Brief 
Considerations  on   Slavery,  and  the  Expediency  of  Its  Abolition    (1773) 
argued  that   the  public  derived  benefit   from  the  labor  of  adult  free  ne 
groes,  and  that  the  public  should  pay  the  surety  required.      By  an  elab 
orate  calculation  he  endeavored  to  prove  that  a  sum  of  about  five  shillings 
deposited  at  interest  by  the  community  each  year  of  the  negro's  life  after 
he  was  twenty-one,  would   amply  suffice   for  all   requirements.      Pp.  8-14 
of   the   second   part,   entitled  "  An   Account    Stated   on   the   Manumission 


MANUMISSION  57 

burden  to  owners  was  no  doubt  felt  very  grievously  dur 
ing  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  when  man 
umission  was  going  on  so  actively,  and  it  is  known  that 
the  Assembly  was  asked  to  give  relief."  Nevertheless 
nothing  was  done  until  1780  when  the  abolition  act 
swept  from  the  statute-books  -all  previous  legislation 
about  the  negro,  slave  as  well  as  free.14 

In  spite  of  the  obstacles  created  by  the  statute  of 
1725-1726,  the  freeing  of  negroes  continued.  In  1731 
John  Baldwin  of  Chester  ordered  in  his  will  that  his 
negress  be  freed  one  year  after  his  decease.  Two  years 
later  Ralph  Sandiford  is  said  to  have  given  liberty  to  all 
of  his  slaves.  In  1742  Judge  Langhorne  in  Bucks 
County  devised  freedom  to  all  of  his  negroes,  between 
thirty  and  forty  in  number.  In  1744  by  the  will  of  John 
Knowles  of  Oxford,  negro  James  was  to  be  made  free 
on  condition  that  he  gave  security  to  the  executors  to 
pay  the  thirty  pounds  if  required.  Somewhat  before 
this  time  John  Harris,  the  founder  of  Harrisburg,  set 
free  the  faithful  negro  Hercules,  who  had  saved  his 
life  from  the  Indians.  In  1746  Samuel  Blunson  manu 
mitted  his  slaves  at  Columbia.  During  this  period 
negroes  were  occasionally  sent  to  the  Moravians,  who 
gave  them  religious  training,  baptized  them,  and  after 
a  time  set  them  at  liberty.  During  the  following  years 
the  records  of  some  of  the  churches  refer  again  and 
again  to  free  negroes  who  were  married  in  them,  bap- 

of  Slaves."  He  says  "  As  the  laws  stand  at  present  in  several  of  our 
northern  governments,  the  act  of  manumission  is  clogged  with  difficulties 
that  almost  amount  to  a  prohibition."  Ibid.,  n. 

18    Votes  and  Proceedings,  1767-1776,  p.  696. 

14  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  72. 


58  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

tized  in  them,  or  who  brought  their  children  to  them  to 
be  baptized.18  At  an  early  date  there  was  a  sufficient 
number  of  free  black  people  in  Pennsylvania  to  attract 
the  attention  of  philanthropists;  and  it  is  known  that 
Whitefield  as  early  as  1744  took  up  a  tract  of  land 
partly  with  the  intention  of  making  a  settlement  of  free 
negroes."  Up  to  this  time,  however,  manumission  prob 
ably  went  on  in  a  desultory  manner,  hampered  by  the 
large  security  required,  and  practised  only  by  the  most 
ardent  believers  in  human  liberty.  The  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  marked  a  great  turning-point. 

The  southeastern  part  of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  most 
of  the  negroes  were  located,  was  peopled  largely  by 
Quakers,  who  in  many  localities  were  the  principal  slave 
owners,  and  who  at  different  periods  during  the  eigh 
teenth  century  probably  held  from  a  half  to  a  third  of  all 
the  slaves  in  the  colony.  But  they  were  never  able  to 
reconcile  this  practice  entirely  with  their  religious  be 
lief  and  from  the  very  beginning  it  encountered  strong 
opposition.  As  this  opposition  is  really  part  of  the  his 
tory  of  abolition  in  Pennsylvania  it  will  be  treated  at 
length  in  the  following  chapter.  Here  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  from  1688  a  long  warfare  was  carried  on,  for 
the  most  part  by  zealous  reformers  who  gradually  won 
adherents,  until  about  1750  the  Friends'  meetings  de 
clared  against  slavery,  and  the  members  who  were  not 
slave-owners  undertook  to  persuade  those  who  still 
owned  negroes  to  give  them  up. 

18  Martin,  History  of  Chester,  480;  Watson,  Annals,  II,  265;  Pa.  Mag., 
VII,  82;  Davis,  History  of  Bucks  County,  798;  MS.  in  Miscellaneous 
Collection,  Box  10,  Negroes;  Morgan,  Annals  of  Harrisburg,  u;  Smed- 
ley,  History  of  the  Underground  Railroad  in  Chester,  etc.,  27;  Pa.  Mag., 
XII,  188;  XXIX,  363,  365;  MS.  Rec.  Christ  Church,  46,  352,  356,  379, 
400,  403,  404,  440,  441,  455,  475,  4126,  4330,  4356;  MS.  Rec.  First  Re 
formed  Church,  4126,  4248;  MS.  Rec.  St.  Michael's  and  Zion,  97. 

18    Cf.  Conyngham's  "  Historical  Notes,"  in  Mem.  Hist.  Soc.  Pa.,  I,  338. 


MANUMISSION  59 

The  feeling  among  some  of  the  Friends  was  ex 
traordinary  at  this  time.  They  went  from  one  slave 
holder  to  another  expostulating,  persuading,  entreating. 
It  was  then  that  the  saintly  John  Woolman  did  his  work ; 
but  he  was  only  the  most  distinguished  among  many 
others.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  read  over  the  records  of 
any  Friends'  meeting  for  the  next  thirty  years  without 
finding  numerous  references  to  work  of  this  character ; 
and  in  more  than  one  journal  of  the  period  mention  is 
made  of  the  obstacles  encountered  and  the  expedients 
employed." 

The  results  of  their  efforts  were  far-reaching.  Many 
Friends  who  would  have  scrupled  to  buy  more  slaves, 
and  who  were  convinced  that  slave-holding  was  an  evil, 
yet  retained  such  slaves  as  they  had,  through  motives  of 
expediency,  and  also  because  they  believed  that  negroes 
held  in  mild  bondage  were  better  off  than  when  free. 
Against  this  temporizing  policy  the  reformers  fought 
hard,  and  aided  by  the  decision  of  the  Yearly  Meeting 
that  slaveholders  should  no  longer  participate  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Society,  carried  forward  their  work  with 
such  success  that  within  one  more  generation  slavery 
among  the  Friends  in  Pennsylvania  had  passed  away. 

During  the  period,  then,  from  1750  to  1780  manumis 
sion  among  the  Friends  became  very  frequent.  Many 
slaves  were  set  free  outright,  their  masters  assuming 
the  liability  required  by  law.  Others  were  manumitted 
on  condition  that  they  would  not  become  chargeable.18 
Some  owners  gave  promise  of  freedom  at  the  end  of  a 
certain  number  of  years,  considering  the  service  during 
those  years  an  equivalent  for  the  financial  obligation 

17  See  below,  p.  74. 

18  MS.  Miscellaneous  Papers,   1684-1847,  Chester  Co.,   101    (1764)- 


60  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

which  at  the  end  they  would  have  to  assume.19  Often 
the  negro  was  given  his  liberty  on  condition  that  at  a 
future  time  he  would  pay  to  the  master  his  purchase 
price.20  In  1751  a  writer  said  that  numerous  negroes  had 
gained  conditional  freedom,  and  were  wandering  around 
the  country  in  search  of  employment  so  as  to  pay  their 
owners.  The  magistrates  of  Philadelphia  complained  of 
this  as  a  nuisance.21 

Just  how  many  slaves  gained  their  freedom  during 
this  period  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  church  records 
mention  them  again  and  again ;  and  they  become,  what 
they  had  not  been  before,  the  occasion  of  frequent  notice 
and  serious  speculation.22  Other  people  began  now  to 
follow  the  Friends'  example,23  and  the  belief  in  abstract 
principles  of  freedom  aroused  by  the  Revolutionary 
struggle  gave  further  impetus  to  the  movement.1*  In 
every  quarter,  now,  manumissions  were  constantly  be- 

19  They  were  generally  held  longer  than  apprentices  or  white  servants — 
until   twenty-eight  or  thirty  years  of  age,  but  many  of  the  Friends  pro 
tested  against  this.     MS.  Diary  of  Richard  Barnard,  24  5  mo.,  1782;  MS. 
Minutes  Exeter  Monthly  Meeting,   Book  B,  354   (1779). 

20  "  I  do  hereby  Certify  that  Benjamin  Mifflin  hath  given  me  Directions 
to  sell  his  Negro  man  Cuff  to  himself  for  the  Sum  of  Sixty  Pounds  if  he 
can    raise    the    Money    having    Repeatedly    refused    from    Others    seventy 
Five  Pounds  and  upwards  for  him."  MS.   (1769)  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10, 
Negroes. 

21  Pa.  Gazette,  Mar.  5,   1751. 

28  Cf.  Benezet,  Some  Historical  Account  of  Guinea,  134,  135,  where  he 
laments  the  difficulties  under  which  free  negroes  labor.  Also  same  au 
thor,  A  Mite  Cast  into  the  Treasury,  13-17,  where  he  argues  that  negro 
servants  should  not  be  held  longer  than  white  apprentices. 

23  "  Die  mahrischen  Briider  folgten  diesem  ruhmlichen  Beispiel;  so  auch 
Christen  von  den  ubrigen  Bekenntnissen."     Ebeling,  in  Erdbeschreibung, 
etc.,  IV,   220. 

24  Cf.  preamble  to  the  act  of   1780.   Stat.  at  L.,   X,   67,   68.     A  negro 
twenty-one   years    old   was   manumitted   because    "  all   mankind    have   an 
Equal   Natural  and  Just   right  to   Liberty."     MS.   Extracts   Rec.   Goshen 
Monthly  Meeting,  415   (G.  Cope). 


MANUMISSION  61 

ing  made.23  Any  estimate  as  to  how  many  negroes,  serv 
ants  and  free,  there  were  in  Pennsylvania  by  1780  must 
be  largely  a  conjecture,  but  it  is  perhaps  safe  to  say  that 
there  were  between  four  and  five  thousand.26 

The  act  of  1780,  which  put  an  end  to  the  further 
growth  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania,  marked  the  begin 
ning  of  the  final  work  of  the  liberators.  Coming  at  a  time 
when  so  many  people  had  given  freedom  to  their  slaves, 
and  passing  with  so  little  opposition  in  the  Assembly  as 
to  show  that  the  majority  of  Pennsylvania's  people  no 
longer  had  sympathy  with  slavery,  it  was  the  signal  to 
the  abolitionists  to  urge  the  manumission  of  such  ne 
groes  as  the  law  had  left  in  bondage.  The  task  was 
made  easier  by  the  fact  that  not  only  was  the  value  of  the 
slave  property  now  much  diminished,  but  a  man  no 
longer  needed  to  enter  into  surety  when  he  set  his  slaves 
free.  Doubtless  many  whose  religious  scruples  had  been 
balanced  by  material  considerations,  now  saw  the  way 
smooth  before  them,  or  arranged  to  make  the  sacri 
fice  cost  them  little  or  nothing  at  all.  During  this  period 
manumission  took  on  a  commercial  aspect  which  for 
merly  had  not  been  so  evident.  This  was  brought  about 
in  several  ways. 

Sometimes  negroes  had  saved  enough  to  purchase 
their  liberty.27  Many,  as  before,  received  freedom  upon 

35  MS.  General  Quarter  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  Phila.  Co.,  1773-1780. 
Franklin,  Letter  to  Dean  Woodward,  Apr.  10,  1773,  in  Works  (ed. 
Sparks),  VIII,  42. 

*  In  1751  the  number  of  negroes  in  Pennsylvania,  including  Delaware, 
was  thought  to  be  1 1,000.  Cf.  above,  p.  12.  The  negroes  in  Pennsylva 
nia  alone  by  1780  probably  did  not  exceed  the  same  number.  Of  these 
6,000  were  said  to  be  slaves.  Cf.  above,  ibid.  In  some  places  by  this 
time  manumission  was  nearly  complete.  Cf.  W.  J.  Buck,  in  Coll.  Hist. 
Soc.  Pa.,  I,  aoi. 

»  MSS.  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes. 


62  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

binding  themselves  to  pay  for  it  at  the  expiration  of  a 
certain  time.28  In  this  they  often  received  assistance 
from  well-disposed  people,  in  particular  from  the 
Friends,  who  had  by  no  means  stopped  the  good  work 
when  their  own  slaves  were  set  free.2*  At  times  the  en 
tire  purchase  money  was  paid  by  some  philanthropist.40 
Frequently  one  member  of  a  negro  family  bought  free 
dom  for  another,  the  husband  often  paying  for  his  wife, 
the  father  for  his  children.81  Furthermore  it  had  now 
become  common  to  bind  out  negroes  for  a  term  of  years, 
and  many  owners  who  desired  their  slaves  to  be  free, 
found  partial  compensation  in  selling  them  for  a  limited 
period,  on  express  condition  that  all  servitude  should  be 
terminated  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  contract.  By 

28  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  19,  27,  29,  43,  67,  and  passim. 

29  A  MS.  dated  Phila.,  1769,  contains  a  list  of  persons  who  had  prom 
ised   to   contribute   towards  purchasing  a   negro's   freedom.      Among  the 
memoranda  are:  "  John  Head  agrees  to  give  him  Twenty  Shillings  and  not 
to  be  Repaid  .  .  .  John  Benezet  twenty  Shillings  .  .  .  Christopher  Marshall 
/7/6  ...    If  he  can  raise  with  my  Donation  enough  to  free  him  I  agree  to 
give  him  three  pounds  and  not  otherwise  I  promise     Saml  Emlen  jur  .  .  . 
Joseph  Pemberton  by  his  Desire   [Five  erased]   pounds    £3."  MS.  Misc. 
Coll.,    Box    10,    Negroes. 

80  Misc.  MSS.  1744-1859.  Northern,  Interior  and  Western  Counties, 
191  (1782). 

31  In  1779  a  negro  of  Bucks  County  to  secure  the  freedom  of  his  wife 
gave  his  note  to  be  paid  by  1783.  In  1782,  having  paid  part,  he  was  al 
lowed  to  take  his  wife  until  the  next  payment.  In  1785  she  was  free. 
MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  27-43.  In  17&7  negro  Samson  had  pur 
chased  his  wife  and  children  for  ninety-nine  pounds.  Ibid.,  I,  67.  James 
Oronogue,  who  had  been  hired  by  his  master  to  the  keeper  of  a  tavern, 
gained  by  his  obliging  behavior  sixty  podnds  from  the  customers  within 
four  years'  time,  and  at  his  master's  death  was  allowed  to  purchase  his 
freedom  for  one  hundred  pounds.  He  paid  besides  fifty  pounds  for  his 
wife.  Ibid.,  I,  69.  When  Cuff  Douglas  had  been  a  slave  for  thirty- 
seven  years  his  master  promised  him  freedom  after  four  years  more.  On 
the  master  agreeing  to  take  thirty  pounds  in  lieu  of  this  service,  Doug 
las  hired  himself  out,  and  was  free  at  the  end  of  sixteen  months.  He 
then  began  business  as  a  tailor,  and  presently  was  able  to  buy  his  wife 
and  children  for  ninety  pounds,  besides  one  son  for  whom  he  paid  forty- 
five  pounds.  Ibid.,  I,  72.  Also  ibid.,  I,  79,  91. 


MANUMISSION  63 

furthering  such  transactions  the  benevolent  tried  to 
help  negroes  to  gain  freedom."  Occasionally  the  slave 
liberated  was  bound  for  a  term  of  years  to  serve  the 
former  master.83  Even  at  this  period,  however,  negroes 
continued  to  be  manumitted  from  motives  of  pure  benev 
olence.  Some  received  liberty  by  the  master's  testament, 
and  others  were  held  only  until  assurance  was  given  the 
master  that  he  would  not  become  liable  under  the  poor 
law.84 

As  the  result  of  the  earnest  efforts  that  were  made 
slavery  in  Pennsylvania  dwindled  steadily.  In  the 
course  of  a  long  time  it  would  doubtless  have  passed 
away  as  the  result  of  continued  individual  manumission. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  had  become  almost  extinct  within 
two  generations  after  1750.  This  was  brought  about 
by  work  that  affected  not  individuals,  but  whole  classes, 
and  finally  all  the  people  of  the  state ;  which  was  de 
signed  to  strike  at  the  root  of  slavery  and  destroy  it 
altogether.  This  was  abolition. 

93  "  Wanted  to  purchase,  a  good  Negro  Wench  ...  If  to  be  sold  on  terms 
of  freedom  by  far  the  most  agreeable."  Pa.  Packet,  Aug.  22,  1778.  In 
1791  Caspar  Wistar  bought  a  slave  for  sixty  pounds  "to  extricate  him 
from  that  degraded  Situation  "  .  .  .  ,  his  purpose  being  to  keep  the  negro 
for  a  term  of  years  only.  MS.  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes.  Numerous 
other  examples  among  the  same  MSS. 

88  "  I,  John  Lettour  from  motives  of  benevolence  and  humanity  ...  do 
.  .  .  set  free  .  .  .  my  Negro  Girl  Agathe  Aged  about  Seventeen  Years. 
On  condition  .  .  .  that  she  .  .  .  bind  herself  by  Indenture  to  serve  me 
...  Six  years  "  .  .  .  .  MS.  ibid.  Cf.  MS.  Abstract  Rec.  Abington 
Monthly  Meeting,  372  (1765). 

34  "  I  Manumit  ...  my  Negro  Girl  Abb  when  she  shall  Arrive  to  the  Age 
of  Eighteen  Years  .  .  .  (on  Condition  that  the  Committee  for  the  Abolition 
of  slavery  shall  make  entry  according  to  Law  ...  so  as  to  secure  me  from 
any  Costs  or  Trouble  on  me  or  my  Estate  on  said  Negro  after  the  age  of 
Eighteen  Years).  .  .  Hannah  Evans."  MS.  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes. 
Cf.  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  70.  At  times  this  might  become  an  unpleasant  reality. 
Cf.  MS.  State  of  a  Case  respecting  a  Negro  (Ridgway  Branch). 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  SLAVERY — ABOLITION. 

THE  events  which  led  to  the  extinction  of  slavery  in 
Pennsylvania  fall  naturally  into  four  periods.  They  are, 
first,  the  years  from  1682  to  about  1740,  during  which 
the  Germans  discountenanced  slave-holding,  and  the 
Friends  ceased  importing  negroes  ;  second,  the  period  of 
the  Quaker  abolitionists,  from  about  1710  to  1780,  by 
which  time  slavery  among  the  Quakers  had  come  to  an 
end;  third,  from  1780  to  1788,  the  years  of  legislative 
action;  and  finally,  the  period  from  1788  to  the  time 
when  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  became  extinct  through 
the  gradual  working  of  the  act  for  abolition. 

Opposition  to  slaveholding  arose  among  the  Friends. 
Slavery  had  not  yet  been  recognized  in  statute  law 
when  they  began  to  protest  against  it.  This  protest, 
faint  in  the  beginning  and  taken  up  only  by  a  few  ideal 
ists,  was  never  stopped  afterwards,  but,  growing  con 
tinually  in  strength,  was,  as  the  events  of  after  years 
showed,  from  the  first  fraught  with  foreboding  of  doom 
to  the  institution.  Opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Friends 
had  begun  before  Pennsylvania  was  founded.  In  1671 
Fox,  travelling  in  the  West  Indies,  advised  his  brethren 
in  Barbadoes  to  deal  mildly  with  their  negroes,  and  after 
certain  years  of  servitude  to  make  them  free.  Four 
years  later  William  Edmundson  in  one  of  his  letters 
asked  how  it  was  possible  for  men  to  reconcile  Christ's 
command,  to  do  as  they  would  be  done  by,  with  the  prac- 

64 


ABOLITION  65 

tice  of  holding  slaves  without  hope  or  expectation  of 
freedom.1  Nevertheless  in  the  first  years  after  the  set 
tlement  of  Pennsylvania  Friends  were  the  principal 
slaveholders.  This  led  to  differences  of  opinion,  but  at 
the  start  economic  considerations  prevailed. 

The  reform  really  began  in  1688,  a  year  memorable 
for  the  first  formal  protest  against  slavery  in  North 
America.'  Germantown  had  been  settled  by  German 
refugees  who  in  religious  belief  were  Friends.  These 
men,  simple-minded  and  honest,  having  had  no  previous 
acquaintance  with  slavery,  were  amazed  to  find  it  exist 
ing  in  Penn's  colony.  At  their  monthly  meeting,  the 
eighteenth  of  the  second  month,  1688,  Pastorius  and 
other  leaders  drew  up  an  eloquent  and  touching  me 
morial.  In  words  of  surpassing  nobleness  and  sim 
plicity  they  stated  the  reasons  why  they  were  against 
slavery  and  the  traffic  in  men's  bodies.  Would  the 
masters  wish  so  to  be  dealt  with  ?  Was  it  possible  for 
this  to  be  in  accord  with  Christianity?  In  Pennsylvania 
there  was  freedom  of  conscience ;  there  ought  likewise 
to  be  freedom  of  the  body.  What  report  would  it 
cause  in  Europe  that  in  this  new  land  the  Quakers 
handled  men  as  there  men  treated  their  cattle?  If  it 
were  possible  that  Christian  men  might  do  these  things 
they  desired  to  be  so  informed.8 

1  Edmundson's  Journal,  61.     Janncy,  History  of  the  Friends,  III,   178. 

8  Pennypacker,  "  The  Settlement  of  Germantown,"  in  Pa.  Mag.,  IV, 
28;  McMaster,  "  The  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  United  States,"  in 
Chatauquan,  XV,  24,  25  (Apr.,  1892).  For  the  protest  against  slavery 
and  the  slave-trade  (De  instauranda  sEthiopum  Salute,  Madrid,  1647)  of 
the  Jesuit,  Alfonso  Sandoval,  cf.  Saco,  Historia  de  la  Esclavitud  de  la 
Rasa  Africana  en  el  Nuevo  Mundo,  253-256. 

*  Pennypacker,  place  cited;  Learned,  Life  of  Francis  Daniel  Pastorius, 
261,  262.  Facsimile  of  protest  in  Ridgway  Branch  of  the  Library  Com 
pany  of  Philadelphia. 


66  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

This  protest  .they  sent  to  the  Monthly  Meeting  at 
Richard  Worrel's.  There  it  was  considered,  and  found 
too  weighty  to  be  dealt  with,  and  so  it  was  sent  on  to  the 
Quarterly  Meeting  at  Philadelphia,  and  from  thence  to 
the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Burlington,  which  finally  decided 
not  to  give  a  positive  judgment  in  the  case.4  For  the 
present  nothing  came  of  it ;  but  the  idea  did  not  die.  It 
probably  lingered  in  the  minds  of  many  men  ;  for  within 
a  few  years  a  sentiment  had  been  aroused  which  be 
came  widespread  and  powerful. 

In  1693  George  Keith,  leader  of  a  dissenting  faction 
of  Quakers,  laid  down  as  one  of  his  doctrines  that 
negroes  were  men,  and  that  slavery  was  contrary  to  the 
religion  of  Christ ;  also  that  masters  should  set  their 
negroes  at  liberty  after  some  reasonable  time.8  At  a 
meeting  of  Friends  held  in  Philadelphia  in  1693  the  pre 
vailing  opinion  was  that  none  should  buy  except  to  set 
free.  Three  years  later  at  the  Friends'  Yearly  Meeting 
it  was  resolved  to  discourage  the  further  bringing  in  of 
slaves.8  In  1712  when  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Philadel 
phia  desiring  counsel  applied  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  at 
London,  it  received  answer  that  the  multiplying  of 
negroes  might  be  of  dangerous  consequence.7  In  the 
next  and  the  following  years  the  Meetings  strongly  ad 
vised  Friends  not  to  import  and  not  to  buy  slaves.8  From 
1730  to  1737  reports  showed  that  the  importation  of 

4  The  Monthly  Meeting  declared  "  we  think  it  not  expedient  for  us  to 
meddle  with  it  here."    Pennypacker,  place  cited,  30,  31. 

5  Watson,  Annals,  II,  262.     "  An  Exhortation  and  Caution  To  Friends 
Concerning  buying  or  keeping  of  Negroes,"  in  Pa.  Mag.,  XIII,  265-270. 
This   is   said   to    have   been  the   first   printed   protest  against  slavery   in 
America.     Cf.  Hildeburn,  A  Century  of  Printing,  etc.,  I,  28,  29;  Gabriel 
Thomas,  Account,  53;  Bettle,  Notes,  367. 

8  Clarkson,  Life  of  Penn,  II,  78,  79. 

7  Cf.  Bettle,  372. 

8  Ibid.,  373- 


ABOLITION  67 

negroes  by  Friends  was  being  largely  discontinued.    By 
1745  it  had  virtually  ceased.9 

It  is  generally  believed  that  Pennsylvania's  restrictive 
legislation,  that  long  series  of  acts  passed  for  the  pur 
pose  of  keeping  out  negroes  by  means  of  prohibitive 
duties,  was  largely  due  to  Quaker  influence.  This  is 
probably  true,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  prove.  The  proceed 
ings  of  the  colonial  Assembly  have  been  reported  so 
briefly  that  they  do  not  give  the  needed  information. 
When,  however,  the  strong  feeling  of  the  Friends  is 
understood  in  connection  with  the  fact  that  they  con 
trolled  the  early  legislatures,  it  is  not  hard  to  believe  that 
the  high  duties  were  imposed  because  they  wished  the 
traffic  at  an  end.  Their  feeling  about  the  slave-trade 
and  their  desire  to  stop  it  are  revealed  again  and  again 
in  the  meeting  minutes.10  The  most  drastic  law  was 
certainly  due  to  them." 

9  Ibid.,  377- 

"  Whereas  several  Papers  have  been  read  relating  to  the  keeping  and 
bringing  in  of  Negroes  ...  it  is  the  advice  of  this  Meeting,  that  Friends 
be  careful  not  to  encourage  the  bringing  in  of  any  more  Negroes  "... 
MS.  "  Negroes  or  Slaves,"  Yearly  Meeting  Advices,  1682-1777  (1696). 
"  This  meeting  is  also  dissatisfied  with  Friends  buying  and  incouriging 
the  bringing  in  of  Negroes  "...  MS.  Chester  Quarterly  Meeting  Minutes, 
6  6th  mo.,  1711.  "  There  having  a  conscern  Come  upon  severall  friends 
belonging  to  this  meeting  Conscerning  the  Importation  of  Ncgros  .  .  .  after 
some  time  spent  in  the  Consideration  thereof  it  is  the  Unanimous  sencc 
of  this  meeting  that  friends  should  not  be  concerned  hereafter  in  the 
Importation  thereof  nor  buy  any  "...  MS.  Chester  Monthly  Meeting 
Minutes,  27  4th  mo.,  1715.  MS.  Chester  Quarterly  Meeting  Minutes, 
i  6th  mo.,  1715.  "This  meeting  have  been  for  some  time  under  a 
Concern  by  reason  of  the  great  Quantity  of  Negros  fetched  and  im 
ported  into  this  Country."  Ibid.,  n  6th  mo.,  1729.  MS.  Yearly  Meeting 
Minutes,  19-23  7th  mo.,  1730.  As  soon  as  Friends  had  been  brought  to 
cease  the  importation  of  negroes,  attack  was  made  upon  the  practice  of 
Friends  buying  negroes  imported  by  others.  Cf.  MS.  Chester  Q.  M.  M., 
ii  6th  mo.,  1729;  9  9th  mo.,  1730.  The  MS.  Chester  M.  M.  M.  mention 
100  books  on  the  slave-trade  for  circulation. 

"  We  also  kindly  received  your  advice  about  negro  slaves,  and  we  are 
one  with  you,  that  the  multiplying  of  them,  may  be  of  a  dangerous  con- 


68  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

But  the  small  number  of  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  as 
compared  with  the  neighboring  northern  colonies  was 
above  all  due  to  the  early  and  continuous  aversion  to 
slavery  manifested  by  the  Germans.  The  first  German 
settlers  opposed  the  institution  for  religious  reasons.18 
This  opposition  is  perhaps  to  be  ascribed  to  them  as 
Quakers  rather  than  as  men  of  a  particular  race.  But 
as  successive  swarms  poured  into  the  country  it  was 
found,  it  may  be  from  religious  scruples,  more  probably 
because  of  peculiar  economic  characteristics  and  be 
cause  of  feelings  of  sturdy  industry  and  self-reliance, 
that  they  almost  never  bought  negroes  nor  even  hired 
them."  As  the  German  element  in  Pennsylvania  was 

sequence,  and  therefore  a  Law  was  made  in  Pennsylvania  laying  Twenty 
pounds  Duty  upon  every  one  imported  there,  which  Law  the  Queen  was 
plcas'd  to  disanull,  we  would  heartily  wish  that  a  way  might  be  found  to 
stop  the  bringing  in  more  here,  or  at  least  that  Friends  may  be  less 
concerned  in  buying  or  selling,  of  any  that  may  be  brought  in,  and  hope 
for  your  assistance  with  the  Government  if  any  farther  Law  should  be 
made  discouraging  the  importation.  We  know  not  of  any  Friend 
amongst  us  that  has  any  hand  or  concern  in  bringing  any  out  of  their 
own  Country."  MS.  Yearly  M.  M.,  22  7th  mo.,  1714.  This  was  written 
in  reply  to  the  London  Yearly  Meeting,  and  alludes  to  the  act  passed  in 
1712.  See  above,  p.  3. 

13  See  above,  p.  65.  Cf.  also  P.  C.  Plockhoy's  principle  laid  down  in 
his  Kort  en  Klaer  Ontwcrp  (Amsterdam,  1662):  "  No  lordship  or  servile 
slavery  shall  burden  our  Company."  Quoted  in  Pennypacker,  Settlement 
of  Germantown,  204,  292. 

13  "  The  Germans  seldom  hire  men  to  work  upon  their  farms."  Rush, 
An  Account  of  the  Manners  of  the  German  Inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania 
(1789),  24.  "They  never,  as  a  general  thing,  had  colored  servants  or 
slaves."  Ibid.,  24  (note  by  Rupp).  "  Slaves  in  Pennsylvania  never  were 
as  numerous  in  proportion  to  the  white  population  as  in  New  York  and 
New  Jersey.  To  our  German  population  this  is  certainly  attributable — 
Wherever  they  or  their  numerous  descendants  located  they  preferred 
their  own  labor  to  that  of  negro  slaves."  Buck,  MS.  History  of  Bucks 
County,  69.  "  Of  all  the  nations  who  have  settled  in  America,  the  Ger 
mans  have  availed  themselves  the  least  of  the  unjust  and  demoralizing 
aid  of  slavery."  W.  Grimshaw,  History  of  the  United  States,  79.  The 
truth  of  these  statements  is  revealed  in  the  tax-lists  of  the  different 
counties.  Thus,  in  Berks  County  there  were  2692  German  tax-payers 
(61%)  and  1724  (39%)  not  Germans.  Of  these  44  Germans  held  62  slaves, 


ABOLITION  69 

very  considerable,  amounting  at  times  to  one-third  of 
the  population,  such  a  course,  though  lacking  in  dra 
matic  quality,  and  though  it  has  been  unheralded  by 
the  historians,  was  nevertheless  of  immense  and  de 
cisive  importance.14 

During  this  period,  then,  much  had  been  accom 
plished.  Not  only  had  the  Germans  turned  their  backs 
upon  slave-holding,  but  the  Friends,  brought  to  perceive 
the  iniquity  of  the  practice,  had  ceased  importing  slaves, 
and  for  the  most  part  had  ceased  buying  them.  It  was 
another  generation  before  the  conservative  element- 
could  be  brought  to  advance  beyond  this  position.  It 
was  not  so  easy  to  make  them  give  up  the  slaves  they 
already  had. 

The  succeeding  period  was  characterized  by  an  in 
evitable  struggle  which  ensued  between  considerations 
of  economy  and  ethics.  The  attitude  of  many  Friends 
was  that  in  refusing  to  buy  any  more  slaves  they  were 

and  57  of  other  nationalities  held  92  slaves.  3  Pa.  Arch.,  XVIII,  303- 
430.  In  York  County,  where  there  were  2051  German  property-holders 
(34%)  and  3993  who  were  not  Germans  (66%),  27  Germans  held  44 
slaves  as  against  178  others  who  held  319  slaves.  3  Pa.  Arch.,  XXI, 
165-324.  (Both  these  estimates  are  for  1780.)  In  Lancaster  County  the 
property-holders  included  approximately  3475  Germans  (48%)  and  3706 
not  Germans  (52%).  Here  31  Germans  held  46  slaves,  while  200  not 
Germans  held  402  slaves.  3  Pa.  Arch.,  XVII,  489-685  (1779).  The 
records  of  the  German  churches  rarely  mention  slaves. 

14  The  small  number  of  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  was  often  noticed. 
Burnaby,  Travels  through  the  Middle  Settlements,  63,  said  "there  are  few 
negroes  or  slaves"  .  .  .  (1759).  Anburey,  Travels  through  the  Interior 
Parts  of  America,  II  ,280-281,  said,  "  The  Pennsylvanians  .  .  .  are  more 
industrious  of  themselves,  having  but  few  blacks  among  them."  (1778). 
Cf.  Proud,  History,  II,  274.  Estimates  as  to  the  number  of  Germans  in 
Pennsylvania  vary  from  3/5  (1747,  cf.  Rupp's  note  in  Rush,  Account,  i) 
to  1/3  (1789,  ibid.,  54).  For  many  estimates  cf.  Diffenderffer,  German 
Immigration  into  Pennsylvania,  pt.  II,  The  Redemptioners,  99-108.  Some 
few  Germans  had  intended  to  hold  slaves  from  the  first.  Cf.  the  articles 
of  agreement  between  the  members  of  the  Frankfort  Company  (1686): 
..."  alle  .  .  .  leibeigenen  Menschen  .  .  .  sollen  unter  Allen  Interes- 
senten  pro  rato  der  Ackerzahl  gemein  seyn."  MS.  in  possession  of  S.  W. 
Pennypacker,  Philadelphia. 


70  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

fulfilling  all  reasonable  obligations.  Sometimes  there 
was  a  desire  to  hush  up  the  whole  matter  and  get  it  out 
of  mind.  Isaac  Norris  tells  of  a  meeting  that  was 
large  and  comfortable,  where  the  business  would  have 
gone  very  well  but  for  the  warm  pushing  by  some 
Friends  of  Chester  in  the  matter  of  negroes.  But  he 
adds  that  affairs  were  so  managed  that  the  unpleasant 
subject  was  dropped.15  What  would  have  been  the  re 
sult  of  this  disposition  cannot  now  be  known ;  but  it 
proved  impossible  to  smooth  matters  away.  There  had 
already  begun  an  age  of  reformers,  forerunners  by  a 
hundred  years  of  Garrison  and  his  associates,  men  who 
were  content  with  nothing  less  than  entire  abolition. 

The  first  of  the  abolitionists  was  William  Southeby 
of  Maryland,  who  went  to  Pennsylvania.  For  years  the 
subject  of  slavery  weighed  heavily  upon  his  mind.  As 
early  as  1696  he  urged  the  Meeting  to  take  action.  His 
petition  to  the  Provincial  Assembly  in  1712  asking  that 
all  slaves  be  set  free  was  one  of  the  most  memorable  in 
cidents  in  the  early  struggle  against  slavery.  But  the 
Assembly  resolved  that  his  project  was  neither  just  nor 
convenient ;  and  his  ideas  were  so  far  in  advance  of  the 
times  that  not  only  did  he  a  little  later  lose  favor  among 
the  Friends,  but  long  after  it  was  the  judgment  that  his 
ill-regulated  zeal  had  brought  only  sorrow.16 

15  Watson,  (MS.)  Annals,  530.     The  same  spirit  is  apparent  much  later. 
"  There  generally  appeared  an  uneasiness  in  their  minds  respecting  them, 
tho  all  are  not  so  fully  convinced  of  the   Iniquity  of  the  practice  as  to 
get   over  the   difficulty   which   they   apprehend  would   attend  their   giving 
them  their  liberty  "...  MS.  Abstract  Rec.  Gwynedd  Monthly  Meeting, 
278  (1770).     "  Perhaps  thou  wilt  say,  '  I  do  not  buy  any  negroes:  I  only 
use  those  left  me  by  my  father.'     But  is  it  enough  to  satisfy  your  own 
conscience?  "  Benezet,  Notes  on  the  Slave  Trade,  8. 

16  Votes  and  Proceedings,  II,  no;  The  Friend,  XXVIII,  293,  and  fol 
lowing;  A.  C.  Thomas,  "  The  Attitude  of  the  Society  of  Friends  toward 
Slavery  in  the  Seventeenth  and  Eighteenth  Centuries,  Particularly  in  Rela 
tion  to  Its  Own  Members,"  in  Amer.  Soc.  Church  History,  VIII,  273,  274. 


ABOLITION  71 

The  next  in  point  of  time  was  Ralph  Sandiford 
(1693-1733),  a  Friend  of  Philadelphia.  His  hostility 
to  slavery  was  aroused  by  the  sufferings  of  negroes 
whom  he  had  seen  in  the  West  Indies ;  and  his  feeling 
was  so  strong  that  on  one  occasion  he  refused  to  accept 
a  gift  from  a  slaveholder.  In  1729  he  published  his 
Mystery  of  Iniquity,  an  impassioned  protest  against 
slavery.  Although  threatened  with  severe  penalties  if 
he  circulated  this  work,  he  distributed  it  wherever  he 
felt  that  it  would  be  of  use."  Such  enmity  did  he  arouse 
that  he  was  forced  to  leave  the  city." 

His  work  was  carried  forward  by  Benjamin  Lay 
(1677-1759),  an  Englishman  who  came  from  Barba- 
does  to  Philadelphia  in  1731.  He  too  aroused  much 
hostility  by  his  violence  of  expression  and  eccentric  ef 
forts  to  create  pity  for  the  slaves.  He  gave  his  whole 
life  to  the  cause,  but  owing  to  his  too  radical  methods 
he  was  much  less  influential  than  he  might  have  been.19 

A  man  of  far  greater  power  was  John  Woolman 
(17201772),  perhaps  the  greatest  liberator  that  the 
Friends  ever  produced.  Woolman  gave  up  his  position 
as  accountant  rather  than  write  bills  for  the  sale  of 
negroes.  He  was  very  religious,  and  most  of  his  life 
he  spent  as  a  minister  travelling  from  one  colony  to 
another  trying  to  persuade  men  of  the  wickedness  of 

17  "  Ralph  Sandiford  Cr  for  Cash  receiv'd  of  Benj*  Lay  for  50  of  his 
Books  which  he  intends  to  give  away  ...  10  "  (sh.)  MS.  Benjamin  Frank 
lin's  Account  Book,  Feb.   28,    1732-1733. 

18  Sandiford,  Mystery  of  Iniquity,  43 ;  Vaux,  Memoirs  of  the  Lives  of 
Benjamin    Lay    and    Ralph    Sandiford;    The    Friend,    L,    170;    Thomas, 
Attitude,  274;  Franklin,  Works  (ed.  Sparks),  X,  403. 

19  Cf.  American  Weekly  Mercury,  Nov.  2,  1738,  for  notice  in  which  the 
Friends'  Meeting  denounces  his  All  Slave-Keepers  .  .  .  Apostates  (1737)' 
Cf.  anecdotes  related  by  Vaux;  Bettle,  Notices,  375,  376;  The  Friend,  L, 
170;  Thomas,  Attitude,  274. 


72  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

slavery.  In  1754  he  published  the  first  part  of  his  book, 
Some  Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of  Negroes,  of 
which  the  second  part  appeared  in  1762.  He  was 
stricken  with  smallpox  while  on  a  visit  to  England,  and 
died  there." 

The  last  was  Anthony  Benezet  (1713-1784),  a  French 
Huguenot  who  joined  the  Society  of  Friends.  He  came 
to  Philadelphia  as  early  as  1731,  but  it  was  about  1750 
that  his  attention  was  drawn  to  the  negroes.  From  that 
time  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  was  their  zealous  advocate. 
By  his  writings  upon  Africa,  slavery,  and  the  slave- 
trade,  he  attracted  the  attention  and  enlisted  the  support 
of  many.  He  was  untiring  in  his  efforts.  Frequently 
he  talked  with  the  negroes  and  strove  to  improve  them ; 
he  endeavored  to  create  a  favorable  impression  of  them  ; 
he  was  influential  in  securing  the  passage  of  the  abo 
lition  act;  and  at  his  death  he  bequeathed  the  bulk  of 
his  property  to  the  cause  which  he  had  served  so  well  in 
his  life.81 

That  these  Quaker  reformers,  particularly  men  like 
Woolman  and  Benezet,  exerted  an  enormous  influence 
against  slavery  in  Pennsylvania,  there  can  be  no  doubt." 
Their  influence  is  attested  by  numerous  contemporary 
allusions,  but  it  is  proved  far  better  by  the  change  in 
sentiment  which  was  gradually  brought  about.  Southe- 
by,  Sandiford,  and  Lay  were  before  their  time  and  were 

20  Settle,  Notices,  378-382;  Thomas,  Attitude,  245,  275-279;  Tyler,  Lit 
erary  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  II,  339-347;  The  Friend,  LIII, 
190;  Woolman,  Journal. 

21  Vaux,  Memoirs  of  Benezet;  The  Friend,  LXXI,  369;  Thomas,  274, 
275;   Bettle,  382-387;  Benezet's  own  writings. 

28  Thomas,  273.  There  must  have  been  a  great  many  other  reformers 
of  considerable  influence,  but  of  less  fame,  about  whose  work  little  has 
come  down.  Cf.  "  Thos.  Nicholson  on  Keeping  Negroes"  (1767).  MS. 
in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes. 


ABOLITION  73 

treated  as  fanatics.  Woolman  and  Benezet  who  came 
afterward  were  able  to  reap  the  harvest  which  had 
been  sown. 

The  movement  which  had  been  urged  with  violent 
rapidity  from  without  was  all  the  while  proceeding 
slowly  and  quietly  within.  For  many  years  the  Friends 
considered  slavery,  and  almost  every  year  the  Meetings 
made  reports  upon  the  subject.  These  reports  showed 
that  the  number  of  Quakers  who  bought  slaves  was  con 
stantly  decreasing.23  In  1743  an  annual  query  was  in 
stituted.*4  In  1754  the  Yearly  Meeting  circulated  a 
printed  letter  strongly  condemning  slavery.28  The  sec 
ond  decisive  step  followed  when  it  was  made  a  rule  that 
Friends  who  persisted  in  buying  slaves  should  be  dis 
owned.  The  measure  was  effective  and  this  part  of  the 
work  was  soon  accomplished.8*  Finally  in  1758  the 
third  step  was  taken  when  it  was  unanimously  agreed 
that  Friends  should  be  advised  to  manumit  their  slaves, 
and  that  those  who  persisted  in  holding  them  should  not 

83  Cf.  MS.  Chester  Q.  M.  M.,  14  6th  mo.,  1738;  8  6th  mo.,  1743. 

34  Needles,  Memoir,  13. 

25  Settle,  377. 

"The  MS.  Chester  Q.  M.  M.,  8  8th  mo.,  1763,  say  ...  "we  are  not 
quite  clear  of  dealing  in  Negro's,  but  care  is  taken  mostly  to  discourage 
it  .  .  ."  Three  years  later  they  add  ..."  clear  of  importing  or  purchasing 
Negro's."  Ibid.,  n  8th  mo.,  1766.  Cf.  also  ibid.,  10  8th  mo.,  1767;  MS. 
Chester  M.  M.  Miscellaneous  Papers,  28  ist  mo.,  1765;  MS.  Darby  M. 
M.  M.,  II,  n,  12,  16,  19,  (1764),  24,  27,  31,  33,  35,  38,  40,  42,  45,  46, 
(1764-1765).  These  references  concern  the  case  of  Enoch  Eliot,  who, 
having  purchased  two  negroes,  was  repeatedly  urged  to  set  them  free, 
and  finally  did  so.  MS.  Abstract  Rec.  Abington  M.  M.,  28  7th  mo.,  1760; 
25  8th  mo.,  1760.  "  One  of  the  frd«  appd  to  visit  Jonathan  Jones  reports 
they  all  had  an  oppertunity  With  him  sd  Jonathan,  and  that  he  gave 
them  exspectation  of  not  making  any  more  purchases  of  that  kind,  as 
also  he  is  sorry  for  the  purchace  he  did  make"  .  .  .  Ibid.,  24  nth  mo., 
1760;  also  ibid.,  24  nth  mo.,  1760;  20  9th  mo.,  1762;  29  loth  mo.,  1764. 


74  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

be  allowed  to  participate  in  the  affairs  of  the  Society.27 
John  Woolman  and  others  were  appointed  on  com 
mittees  to  visit  slaveholders  and  persuade  them.*8 

The  work  of  these  visiting  committees  is  as  remark 
able  as  any  in  the  history  of  slavery.  Self-sacrificing 
people  who  had  freed  their  own  slaves  now  abandoned 
their  interests  and  set  out  to  persuade  others  to  give 
negroes  the  freedom  thought  to  be  due  them.  In  south 
eastern  Pennsylvania  are  old  diaries  almost  untouched 
for  a  century  and  a  half  which  bear  witness  of  charac 
ters  odd  and  heroic;  which  contain  the  story  of  men 
and  women  sincere,  brave,  and  unfaltering,  who  united 
quiet  mysticism  with  the  zeal  of  a  crusader.  The  com 
mittees  undertook  to  persuade  a  whole  population  to 
give  up  its  slaves.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  task  was  a 
difficult  one.  Again  and  again  the  writers  speak  of  ob 
stacles  overcome.  They  tell  of  owners  who  would  not 
be  convinced,  who  acknowledged  that  slavery  was 
wrong,  and  promised  that  they  would  buy  no  more 
slaves,  but  who  affirmed  that  they  would  keep  such  as 
they  had.  The  diaries  speak  of  repeated  visits,  of  the 

27  MS.  Yearly  M.  M.,  23-29  9th  mo.,  1758,  where  Friends  are  earnestly 
entreated  to  "  sett  them  at  Liberty,  making  a  Christian  Provision  for  them 
according  to  their  Ages  etc  "...  Cf.  report  about  George  Ragan:   .  .  . 
"  as  to  his  Buying  and  selling  a  Negro,  he  saith  he  Cannot  see  the  Evil 
thereof,  and  therefore  cannot  make  any  satisfaction,  and  as  he  has  been 
much  Laboured  with  by  this  m*  to  bring  him  to  a  sight  of  his  Error,  This 
m*  therefore  agreeable  to  a  minute  of  our  Yearly  M*  can  do  no  Less  than 
so  far  Testify  agst  him  ...  as  not  to  Receive  his  Collections,  neither  is  he 
to  sit  in  our  m*s   for  Discipline  until  he  can  see  his  Error  "...  MS. 
Abst.  Abington  M.   M.,   288   (1761).   Cf.   Michener,  Retrospect  of  Early 
Quakerism,  346,  347;  A  Brief  Statement  of  the  rise  and  Progress  of  the 
Testimony  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends,  against  Slavery  and  the 
Slave  Trade,  21-24;  Sharpless,  A  History  of  Quaker  Government  in  Penn 
sylvania,  II,  229;   Needles,    13.     For  the  fervid  feeling  at  this  time  cf. 
Journal  of  John  Churchman  (1756),  in  Friends'  Library,  VI,  236. 

28  Settle,  378;  Sharpless,  II,  229.     Cf.  also  Journal  of  Daniel  Stanton, 
in  Friends'  Library,  XII,   167. 


ABOLITION  75 

arguments  employed,  of  slow  and  gradual  yielding,  and 
of  final  triumph.  If  ever  Christian  work  was  carried 
on  in  the  spirit  of  Christ,  it  was  when  John  Woolman, 
Isaac  Jackson,  James  Moon,  and  their  fellow  mission 
aries  put  an  end  to  slavery  among  the  Quakers  of  Penn 
sylvania.*1 

The  penalties  denounced  by  the  Meeting  were  im 
posed  with  firmness.  In  1761  the  Chester  Quarterly 
Meeting  dealt  with  a  member  for  having  bought  and 
sold  a  slave.30  Through  this  and  the  following  years 
there  are  many  records  in  the  Monthly  Meetings  of 
manumissions,  voluntary  and  persuaded ;  record  being 
made  in  each  case  to  ensure  the  negro  his  freedom.*1 
In  1774  the  Philadelphia  Meeting  resolved  that  Friends 
who  held  slaves  beyond  the  age  at  which  white  ap 
prentices  were  discharged,  should  be  treated  as  dis 
orderly  persons."  The  work  of  abolition  was  practically 
completed  in  1776  when  the  resolution  passed  that 
members  who  persisted  in  holding  slaves  were  to  be 

»MS.  Abst.  Abington  M.  M.,  328,  336,  347,  351,  358,  368,  372,  398; 
MS.  Min.  Sadsbury  M.  M.,  1737-8 — 1783,  pp.  270,  290;  MS.  Min.  Radnor 
M.  M.,  1772-1782,  pp.  63,  66,  71,  102,  103,  107,  etc.;  MS.  Min.  Women's  Q. 
M.,  Bucks  Co.,  26  8th  mo.,  1779;  30  8th  mo.,  1781;  MS.  Darby  M.  M.  M., 
II,  87,  91,  93,  (1769),  178  (1774),  180,  181,  184,  186,  190  d775)»  309, 
312  (1780);  MS.  Women's  Min.  Darby  M.  M.,  2  2d  mo.,  1775;  30  3rd 
mo-»  1775;  3  8th  mo.,  1780;  31  8th  mo.,  1780;  MS.  Extracts  Buckingham 
M.  M.,  128,  130,  136  (1767-1768);  MS.  Diary  of  Richard  Barnard,  24 
9th  mo.,  1774;  7  6th  mo.,  1780;  MS.  Journal  of  Joshua  Brown,  nth  mo., 
1775;  above  all  the  MS.  Diary  of  James  Moon,  passim.  Cf.  Sharpless, 
Quakerism  and  Politics,  159-178;  Whittier's  introduction  to  John  Wool- 
man's  Journal. 

30  Futhey  and  Cope,  History  of  Chester  Co.,  423. 

81  Cf.  Abst  Rec.  Gwynedd  M.  M.,  201,  204,  213,  218,  240,  270,  271, 
273,  278,  280,  307,  311,  312,  316,  321,  322,  323,  336,  348,  374,  47»;  MS. 
Papers  Middletown  M.  M.,  1759-1786,  pp.  386,  388,  389,  39OJ  Franklin, 
Works,  (ed.  Sparks),  VIII,  42. 

n  Brief  Statement,  49. 


76  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

disowned.33  If  this  is  understood  in  connection  with  the 
fact  that  in  the  Meetings  questions  were  rarely  decided 
except  by  almost  unanimous  vote,  it  is  clear  that  so  far 
as  the  Friends  were  concerned  slavery  was  nearly  ex 
tinct.  This  was  almost  absolutely  accomplished  by 
1780" 

The  wholesale  private  abolition  of  slavery  by  the 
Friends  of  Pennsylvania  is  one  of  those  occurrences 
over  which  the  historian  may  well  linger.  It  was  not 
delayed  until  slavery  had  become  unprofitable,85  nor  was 
it  forced  through  any  violent  hostility.  It  was  a  result 
attained  merely  by  calm,  steady  persuasion,  and  a  dis 
position  to  obey  the  dictates  of  conscience  unflinchingly. 
As  such  it  is  among  the  grandest  examples  of  the 
triumph  of  principle  and  ideal  righteousness  over  self- 
interest.38  It  may  well  be  doubted  whether  any  body  of 

83  MS.  Yearly  M.  M.,  27  gth  mo.,  1776;  Brief  Statement,  24-27;  Needles, 
13;  Thomas,  245;  Sharpless,  History  of  Quaker  Government  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  II,  138,  139. 

84  Brief  Statement,   31-35;   Needles,   13;   Sharpless,  II,  226.     For  some 
years  the   Meetings  continued  to  make  regular   reports  on  this  subject. 
"  7th  No  Slaves  among  us  and  such  of  their  Offspring  as  are  under  our 
Care  are  generally  pretty  well  provided  for."    MS.  Rec.  Warrington  Q. 
M.,  25  8th  mo..  1788. 

35  In  the  absence  of  a  plantation  system  slavery  in  Pennsylvania 
never  was  profitable  in  the  same  sense  as  in  Virginia  or  South  Carolina, 
and  where  white  labor  could  be  obtained  slavery  could  not  compete.  Cf. 
Franklin,  Works,  II,  314,  315  (1751).  But  as  it  was  almost  impossible 
to  obtain  sufficient  white  labor,  or  at  least  to  retain  it,  slavery  as  it  ex 
isted  in  Pennsylvania  was  profitable  throughout  the  colonial  period.  For 
the  strong  desire  to  import,  see  above,  chap.  I.  For  the  high  prices  paid 
in  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  for  the  right  to  hold  negroes 
to  the  age  of  28,  see  below,  p.  94. 

88  This  is  my  judgment  after  a  careful  investigation  of  the  Friends' 
records.  Adam  Smith,  who  had  not  seen  these  records,  but  who  wrote 
just  when  the  work  was  being  completed,  thought  differently.  Wealth  of 
Nations  (ed.  Rogers),  I,  391. 


ABOLITION  77 

men  and  women  other  than  the  Friends  were  capable  of 
such  conduct  at  this  time.87 

So  far  the  checking  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  had 
been  the  result  of  two  great  factors ;  that  the  Germans 
would  not  hold  slaves,  and  that  the  Friends  gradually 
gave  them  up.  Another  factor  now  made  it  possible  to 
bring  about  the  end  of  the  institution  altogether.  There 
began  the  period  of  the  long  contest  of  the  Revolution, 
when  Pennsylvania  was  stirred  to  its  depths  by  the 
struggle  for  independence. 

Almost  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  in  1776,  the  As 
sembly  received  from  citizens  of  Philadelphia  two  pe 
titions  that  manumission  be  rendered  easier.  These  pe 
titions  accomplished  nothing,38  but  the  feeling  which  had 
been  gathering  strength  for  so  many  years  went  for 
ward  unchecked,  and  by  1778  there  existed  a  powerful 
sentiment  in  favor  of  legislative  abolition.  Therefore 
in  February,  1779,  the  draft  of  a  bill  was  prepared  and 
recommended  by  the  Council ;  but  for  a  while  no  prog 
ress  was  made,  since  the  Assembly,  though  it  approved 
the  principle,  believed  that  such  a  measure  should  orig 
inate  in  itself.38  Toward  the  end  of  the  year  the  matter 
was  taken  up  in  earnest,  and  a  bill  was  soon  drafted. 
Public  sentiment  was  thoroughly  aroused  now.  Peti 
tions  for  and  against  the  bill  came  to  the  Assembly,  and 
letters  were  published  in  the  newspapers.  The  friends 
of  the  measure  were  untiring  in  their  efforts.  Anthony 
Benezet  is  said  to  have  visited  every  member  of  the  As- 

87  Other  sects  followed  the  example  of  the   Friends,   cf.   Ebeling,  IV, 
220,  but  their  work  was  mostly  significant  in  connection  with  the  legis 
lative  work  of  the  Assembly.     For  the  effects  of  the  work  of  the  Friends 
cf.  Bowden,  History  of  the  Friends,  II,  221. 

88  Votes  and  Proceedings,  1767-1776,  p.  696. 

M  i  Pa.  Arch.,  VII,  79;  Journal  of  House  of  Rep.,  1776-1781,  p.  311. 


78  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

sembly.    On  March  i,  1780,  the  bill  was  enacted  into 
a  law,  thirty- four  yeas  and  twenty-one  nays.40 

The  "  Act  for  the  gradual  Abolition  of  Slavery  "  pro 
vided  that  thereafter  no  child  born  in  Pennsylvania 
should  be  a  slave ;  but  that  such  children,  if  negroes  or 
mulattoes  born  of  a  slave  mother,  should  be  servants 
until  they  were  twenty-eight  years  of  age ;  that  all  pres 
ent  slaves  should  be  registered  by  their  masters  before 
November  I,  1780;  and  that  such  as  were  not  then  regis 
tered  should  be  free.41  It  abolished  the  old  discrimina- 


M  Col.  Rcc.,  XII,  99;  Pa.  Packet,  Sept.  16,  1779;  Journals  of  House, 
1776-1781,  pp.  392,  394,  399,  412,  424,  435;  Packet,  Mar.  13,  1779;  Dec. 
2Sf  1779;  Jan.  i,  1780;  Gazette,  Dec.  29,  1779;  Vaux,  Memoirs  of  Benezet, 
92.  The  distribution  of  the  vote  seems  to  have  had  no  political,  no  re 
ligious,  and  probably  no  economic  significance.  The  measure  was 
popular  in  and  out  of  the  Assembly.  Packet,  Dec.  25,  1779;  Jour,  of 
House,  1776-1781,  p.  435.  An  earlier  bill  had  been  published  in  the 
Packet,  Mar.  4,  1779.  It  is  very  interesting.  The  bill  as  finally  drafted 
became  the  first  act  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States. 
Accordingly  its  authors  had  to  do  much  original  and  constructive  work. 
In  the  course  of  the  work  their  ideas  underwent  some  change,  and  the 
transition  is  easily  seen  in  comparing  the  first  bill  of  1779  with  the  act 
as  passed  in  1780.  In  some  respects  the  first  is  more  liberal  than  the 
second;  in  other  respects  less  so.  Thus  at  first  it  was  intended  to  make 
the  children  of  slaves  servants  until  twenty-one  only.  {Packet,  Mar.  4, 
1779)-  "A  Citizen"  discussing  this  objected  that  the  master  would 
receive  inadequate  compensation  for  rearing  negro  children,  and  urged 
that  the  age  limit  be  made  twenty-eight  or  even  thirty.  {Packet,  Mar.  13, 
J779)»  and  so  pay  for  the  unproductive  years,  which  was  but  just.  The 
law  made  the  age  twenty-eight.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  at  first  pro 
posed  to  continue  the  prohibition  of  intermarriage  and  the  permission 
to  bind  out  idle  free  negroes.  {Packet,  Mar.  4,  1779).  Both  these  pro 
visions  were  omitted  from  the  law. 

41  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  67-73;  2  Sergeant  and  Rawle,  305-309.  Many  of  the 
Friends  thought  that  negroes  ought  not  to  be  held  after  they  were 
twenty-one.  Cf.  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  23.  Very  many  masters 
lost  their  negroes  through  failing  to  register  them,  through  ignorance  of 
the  provision  requiring  registry,  or  through  carelessness  in  complying 
with  it.  Cf.  Rush,  Considerations  upon  the  Present  Test-Law,  (2nd  ed.), 
7  (note);  Journals  of  House,  1776-1781,  p.  537,  and  following;  4  Pa. 
Arch.,  Ill,  822.  Cf.  Christopher  Marshall's  Remembrancer,  F,  Oct.  10, 
1780:  ..."  gott  our  Negro  Recorded."  Cf.  York  Herald,  Apr.  26,  1797- 
The  limit  was  extended  to  Jan.  i,  1783,  in  favor  of  the  citizens  of  Wash- 


ABOLITION  79 

tions,  for  it  provided  that  negroes  whether  slave  or  free 
should  be  tried  and  punished  in  the  same  manner  as 
white  people,  except  that  a  slave  was  not  to  be  admitted 
to  witness  against  a  freeman.42  The  earlier  special  legis 
lation  was  repealed.43 

The  act  of  1780,  which  was  principally  the  work  of 
George  Bryan,44  was  the  final,  decisive  step  in  the  de 
struction  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania.  The  buying  and 
selling  of  human  beings  as  chattels  had  become  repug 
nant  to  the  best  thought  of  the  state,  and  it  had  partly 
passed  away.  The  practice  still  survived,  however,  in 
many  quarters,  and  strengthened  as  it  was  by  considera 
tions  of  economy  and  convenience,  it  would  probably 
have  gone  on  for  many  years.  Against  this  the  aboli 
tion  law  struck  a  mortal  blow.  From  the  day  of  March 

I,  1780,  the  little  remnant  of  slavery  slowly  withered 
and  passed  away.    In  the  course  of  a  generation,  except 
for  some  scattered  cases,  it  had  vanished  altogether. 

Pennsylvania  was  the  first  state  to  pass  an  abolition 
law.45  In  after  years  this  became  a  matter  of  great 

ington  and  Westmoreland  counties,  previously  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Virginia.  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  463.  Runaways  from  other  states  were  of 
course  not  made  free  by  this  provision.  Cf.  sect.  VIII  of  act. 

42  The  repeal  of  this  section  was  proposed  the  next  year,  but  failed  by 
three  votes.  Cf.  Journals  of  House,  1776-1781,  p.  605.  It  was  finally  re 
pealed  in  1847. 

«  Sect.  X  of  act. 

44  For  the  view  that  it  was  drafted  by  William  Lewis,  cf.  Pa.  Mag., 
XIV,  14;  Robert  E.  Randall,  Speech  on  the  Laws  of  the  State  relative  to 
Fugitive  Slaves,  6;  Horace  Binney,  Leaders  of  the  Old  Bar  of  Philadel 
phia,  25.     There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  that  full  credit  should  be 
given  to  Bryan.     "  He  framed  and  executed  the  'act '  "...     Obituary 
notice   in  the  Gazette,   Feb.   2,    1791.    Cf.   inscription  on  his  tomb-stone, 
copy  in  Inscriptions  in  the  Burying  Ground  of  the   Second  Presbyterian 
Church  Phila.  (MS.  H.  S.  P.);  Mem.  Hist.  Soc.  Pa.,  I,  408-410;  Konkle, 
Life  and  Times  of  Thomas  Smith,  105. 

45  Vermont  had  forbidden  slavery  by  her  constitution  of   1777.  Poore, 

II,  1859- 


8o  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

pride.  Her  legislators  and  statesmen  frequently  boasted 
of  it.  Not  only  was  the  priority  a  glory  in  itself,  but  the 
manner  in  which  Pennsylvania  conceived  the  law,  and 
the  success  with  which  she  carried  it  out,  furnished  the 
states  that  lay  near  her  a  splendid  example  and  a  strong 
incentive  which  not  a  few  of  them  followed  shortly 
thereafter.** 

Yet  this  law  was  open  to  some  objections,  and  for 
different  reasons  received  much  criticism.  First,  it  was 
loosely  and  obscurely  drawn  in  some  of  its  sections,  and 
these  gave  rise  to  litigation.47  In  the  second  place,  it 
was  largely  ineffectual  to  prevent  certain  abuses  which 
had  been  foreseen  when  it  was  discussed,  and  which  as 
sumed  alarming  proportions  in  a  few  years.  Some 
Pennsylvanians  openly  kept  up  the  slave-trade  out 
side  of  Pennsylvania,  and  masters  within  the  state 
sold  their  slaves  into  neighboring  states,  whither  they 
sent  also  their  young  negroes,  who  there  remained 
slaves  instead  of  acquiring  freedom  at  twenty-eight.4* 
They  even  sent  away  for  short  periods  their  female 
slaves  when  pregnant,  so  that  the  children  might  not 
be  born  on  the  free  soil  of  Pennsylvania.  Besides  this 

48  Its  significance  in  this  respect  is  remarked  by  Bowden,  History  of  the 
Friends,  II,  220.  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  provided  for  abolition 
in  1784,  New  York  in  1799,  New  Jersey  in  1804.  The  same  was  accom 
plished  in  Massachusetts  in  1780,  and  in  New  Hampshire  in  1792,  by 
construction  of  the  constitution.  Among  many  instances  where  Penn 
sylvania  pointed  to  her  great  act  with  pride,  cf.  Acts  of  Assembly,  1819-20, 
p.  199;  4  Pa.  Arch.,  VI,  242,  290.  Albert  Gallatin,  writing  to  Charles 
Brown,  Mar.  i,  1838,  says:  "It  is  indeed  a  great  subject  of  pride  .  .  .  that 
as  one  of  the  United  States  she  was  the  first  to  abolish  slavery  "... 
Writings  (ed.  Adams),  II,  523,  524. 

47  i  Dallas  469;  14  Sergeant  and  Rawle  443-446;  i  Pa.  Arch.,  VIII,  720. 

48  Pa.  Mag.,   XV,   372,   373.     The  selling-price  elsewhere  was  greater 
since  it  included  the  price  of  the  posterity. 


ABOLITION  81 

the  kidnapping  of  free  negroes  went  on  unchecked.*9 
These  practices-  did  not  escape  unprotested.  The 
Friends  were  indefatigable  in  their  efforts  to  stop  them, 
and  the  government  was  not  disposed  to  allow  the  work 
of  1780  to  be  undone.50  So  in  1788  was  passed  an  act 
to  explain  and  enforce  the  previous  one.  It  provided 
that  the  births  of  the  children  of  slaves  were  to  be  reg 
istered  ;  that  husband  and  wife  were  not  to  be  separated 
more  than  ten  miles  without  their  consent;  that  preg 
nant  females  should  not  be  sent  out  of  the  state  pending 
their  delivery ;  and  it  forbade  the  slave-trade  under  pen 
alty  of  one  thousand  pounds.  Heavy  punishments  were 
provided  for  such  chicanery  as  had  previously  been 
employed.81 

This  legislation  was  enforced  by  the  courts  in  con 
structions  which  favored  freedom  wherever  possible. 
Exact  justice  was  dealt  out,  but  if  the  master  had  neg 
lected  in  the  smallest  degree  to  comply  with  the  precise 
conditions  specified  in  the  laws,  whether  through  care 
lessness,  mistake,  or  unavoidable  circumstance,  the  au 
thorities  generally  showed  themselves  glad  to  declare 
the  slave  free."  The  Friends  and  abolitionists  were  par 
ticularly  active  in  hunting  up  pretexts  and  instituting 

"Brissot  de  Warville,  Memoire  sur  les  Noirs  de  I'Amerique  Septen- 
trionale,  19. 

50  Minutes  of  Assembly,  1787-1788,  pp.  104,  134,  135,  137,  159,  164,  177, 
197;  Packet,  Mar.  13,  1788;  Diary  of  Jacob  Hiltsheimer,  144. 

81  Laws  of  Pennsylvania  (Carey  and  Bioren),  III,  268-272.  Despite 
this  many  negroes  continued  to  be  sold  out  of  the  state,  and  in  1795 
the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  was  asking  for  a  more  stringent  law.  Cf.  MS. 
Rec.  of  Soc.,  IV,  191.  Also  MS.  Supreme  Court  Papers,  nos.  3,  4. 
(1795).  As  late  as  1796  the  author  of  the  Reise  von  Hamburg  nach 
Philadelphia  sayS:  "  Haufig  kommen,  in  Philadelphia  vorzuglich  .  .  .  grosze 
Transporte  von  Sclaven  von  Africa  voruber,"  p.  24. 

83  i  Dallas  491,  492;  2  Dallas  224-228;  3  Sergeant  and  Rawle  396-402; 
2  Yeates  234,  449;  3  id.  259-261;  4  id.  115,  116;  6  Binney  206-211;  MS. 
Sup.  Ct.  Papers,  I,  i;  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  197- 

7 


82  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

law-suits  for  the  purpose  of  setting  at  liberty  the  ne 
groes  of  people  who  believed  they  were  obeying  the 
laws,  but  who  had  neglected  to  comply  with  some  tech 
nical  point." 

While  these  devotees  of  freedom  were  harassing  the 
enemy  they  were  engaged  in  operations  much  more 
drastic.  The  laws  for  abolition,  respecting  as  they  did 
the  sacredness  of  right  in  property,  had  not  abrogated 
existing  titles  to  slaves.54  This  the  abolitionists  de 
nounced  as  theft,  and  resolved  to  get  justice  by  cutting 
out  slavery  root  and  branch.68 

First  they  attacked  it  in  the  courts.  The  declaration 
of  rights  in  the  constitution  of  1790  declared  that  all 
men  were  born  equally  free  and  independent,  and  had  an 
inherent  right  to  enjoy  and  defend  life  and  liberty."  In 
1792  a  committee  of  the  House  refused  the  petition  of 
some  slaveholders  on  the  ground  that  slavery  was  not 
only  unlawful  in  itself,  but  also  repugnant  to  the  con 
stitution.57  This  point  was  seized  upon  by  the  aboli 
tionists,  who  resolved  to  test  it  before  the  law.  Accord 
ingly  they  arranged  the  famous  case  of  Negro  Flora  v. 
Joseph  Graisberry,  and  brought  it  up  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  state  in  1795.  It  was  not  settled  there, 
but  went  up  to  what  was  at  that  time  the  ultimate  judi 
cial  authority  in  Pennsylvania,  the  High  Court  of  Er 
rors  and  Appeals.  Some  seven  years  after  the  question 
had  first  been  brought  to  law  this  august  tribunal  de- 

63  2  Rawle,  204-206;  i  Penrose  and  Watts  93.  Cf.  Min.  of  Assembly, 
1785-1786,  pp.  1 68,  169. 

54  14  Sergeant  and   Rawle  442;   Brissot,  Memoire,  20. 

85  Brissot,  Memoire,  21.  Cf.  the  severe  censure  in  Why  Colored  People 
in  Philadelphia  Are  Excluded  from  the  Street  Cars  (1866),  23. 

66  Art.  IX,  sect.  i. 

67  Journal  of  the  House,  1792-1793,  pp.  39,  55. 


ABOLITION  83 

cided  after  lengthy  and  able  argument  that  negro 
slavery  did  legally  exist  before  the  adoption  of  the  con 
stitution  of  1790,  and  that  it  had  not  been  abolished 
thereby.88 

Failing  to  destroy  slavery  in  the  courts  the  aboli 
tionists  strove  to  demolish  it  by  legal  enactment.  For 
this  purpose  they  began  a  campaign  that  lasted  for  two 
generations.  In  1793  the  Friends  petitioned  the  Senate 
for  the  complete  abolition  of  slavery,  and  in  1799  they 
sent  a  memorial  showing  their  deep  concern  at  the  keep 
ing  of  slaves.  In  the  following  year  citizens  of  Philadel 
phia  prayed  for  abolition,  and  a  few  days  later  the  free 
blacks  of  the  city  petitioned  that  their  brethren  in  bond 
age  be  set  free,  suggesting  that  a  tax  be  laid  upon  them 
selves  to  help  compensate  the  masters  dispossessed.  The 
demand  for  freedom  was  supported  in  other  quarters  of 
the  state,  and  undoubtedly  a  strong  feeling  was  aroused. 
The  Pennsylvania  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery 
began  the  practice,  which  it  kept  up  for  so  many  years, 
of  regularly  memorializing  the  legislature.  Later  on 
some  of  the  leading  men  of  the  state  took  up  the  cause, 
and  once  the  governor  in  his  message  referred  to  the 
galling  yoke  of  slavery  and  its  stain  upon  the  common 
wealth." 

"MS.  Docket  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  XXVII,  379.  The 
suit  was  on  a  writ  "  de  homine  replegiando."  Cf.  Stroud,  Sketch  of  the 
Laws  Relating  to  Slavery  in  the  Several  States  of  the  United  States  of 
America  (zd  ed.),  227  (note);  MS.  Docket  of  the  High  Court  of  Errors 
and  Appeals,  1780-1808,  p.  126;  Pa.  Gazette,  Feb.  3,  1802;  Report  of 
Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Minutes  Sixth  Convention  Abol.  Soc.,  Phila.,  1800, 
p.  7.  It  was  the  different  decision  of  an  exactly  similar  question  that 
abolished  slavery  in  Massachusetts.  Cf.  Littleton  v.  Tuttle,  4  Massa 
chusetts  128. 

86  Journal  of  Senate,  1792-1793,  PP'  150,  151;  1798-1799,  p.  149;  7.  of  H., 
1799-1800,  pp.  76,  123,  153,  160,  172,  190;  7.  of  S.,  1799-1800,  p.  223;  7.  of  S., 
1800-1801,  pp.  134,  135;  7.  of  H.,  1802-1803,  p.  2i8;7.  of  H.,  1811-1812,  pp. 
24,  216;  4  Pa.  Arch.,  IV,  757,  for  Governor  Snyder's  message. 


84  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  majority  of  the  peo 
ple  in  the  state  believed  that  enough  had  been  done,  and 
desired  to  see  the  little  remaining  slavery  quietly  ex 
tinguished  by  the  operation  of  such  laws  as  were  effect 
ing  the  extinction.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that 
although  many  bills  were  proposed  to  effect  total  and 
immediate  abolition,  some  of  which  had  good  prospects 
of  success,  yet  each  one  was  gradually  pared  of  its  most 
radical  provisions,  and  in  the  end  was  always  found  to 
lack  the  support  requisite  to  make  it  a  law. 

In  1797  the  House  had  a  resolution  offered  and  a  bill 
prepared  for  abolition.  This  measure  dragged  along 
through  the  next  two  sessions,  but  in  1800  so  much  en 
couragement  came  from  the  city  and  counties  that  the 
work  was  carried  on  in  earnest.  The  course  of  this 
bill  illustrates  the  progress  of  others.  At  first  the  pro 
posed  enfranchisement  was  to  be  immediate  and  for 
all ;  then  it  was  modified  to  affect  only  negroes  over 
twenty-eight.  In  this  form  it  passed  the  House  by  a 
handsome  majority,  but  in  the  Senate  it  was  postponed 
to  the  next  session.  When  finally  its  time  came  the  com 
mittee  having  it  in  charge  reported  that  as  slavery  was 
not  in  accordance  with  the  constitution  of  1790,  a  law  to 
do  away  with  slavery  was  not  needed.  The  measure  was 
still  mentioned  as  unfinished  business  about  the  time 
that  the  High  Court  decided  that  slavery  was  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  constitution  after  all.60 

The  abolitionists  did  not  lose  heart.  They  tried  again 
in  1803,  and  again  the  following  year.  In  1811  a  little 

»/.  of  H.,  I796-I797,  PP-  283,  308,  354,  355;  /.  of  H.,  I797-I798,  PP. 
75,  269;  /.  of  H.,  1798-1799,  pp.  20,  354;  J.  of  H.,  1799-1800,  pp.  23,  76, 
93,  123,  IS3,  160,  162,  172,  176,  190,  236,  303,  304,  306,  309,  310,  313, 
314,  330,  358,  376;  J.  of  S.,  1799-1800,  pp.  144,  223,  235.  The  bill  passed 
the  House  54  to  15.  /.  of  S.t  1800-1801,  p.  175;  /.  of  S.,  1801-1802,  p.  24. 


ABOLITION  85 

was  done  in  the  House,  and  in  1821  the  matter  was  dis 
cussed  in  the  Senate.  In  this  latter  year  a  bill  was  pre 
pared  and  debated,  but  nothing  passed  except  the 
motion  to  postpone  indefinitely.  Indeed  the  movement 
had  now  spent  its  force,  and  was  thereafter  confined  to 
futile  petitions  that  showed  more  earnestness  of  purpose 
than  expectation  of  success.61 

This  is  easily  explicable  when  it  is  understood  how 
rapidly  slavery  had  declined.  The  number  of  slaves  in 
Pennsylvania  had  never  been  large.  By  the  first  Federal 
census  they  were  put  at  less  than  four  thousand ;  but 
within  a  decade  they  had  diminished  by  more  than  half, 
and  ten  years  later  there  were  only  a  few  hundred  scat 
tered  throughout  the  state.62  The  majority  of  these 
slaves  during  the  later  years  were  living  in  the  western 
counties  that  bordered  on  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
where  slavery  had  begun  latest  and  lingered  longest.83 

C17.  of  H.,  1802-1803,  pp.  361,  362;  1804-1805,  p.  61;  Pa.  Gazette,  Feb.  i, 
1804;  /.  of  H.,  1811-1812,  pp.  58,  67,  216;  /.  of  S.,  1820-1821,  p.  33;  Phila. 
Gazette,  Mar.  6,  1821;  7.  of  S.,  1820-1821,  pp.  105,  308,  469,  531,  532,  535, 
536.  For  the  provisions  of  such  a  bill — the  abolition  of  slavery  and  of 
servitude  until  twenty-eight — compensation  of  owners — permission  for 
negroes  to  remain  slaves  if  they  so  desired — cf.  House  Report  no.  399 
(1826);  J.  of  H.,  1825-1826,  pp.  370,  375,  396,  497,  498.  Also  7.  of  S., 
1841,  vol.  I,  249,  294. 

62  The  numbers  were  1790,  3737',  1800,  1706;  1810,  795;  1820,  211;  1830, 
67;  1840,  64  (?).  The  U.  S.  Census  Reports  do  not  mention  any  after 
1840,  but  it  is  said  that  James  Clark  of  Donegal  Township,  Lancaster 
County,  held  a  slave  in  1860.  Cf.  W.  J.  McKnight,  Pioneer  Outline  His 
tory  of  Northwestern  Pennsylvania,  311.  It  is  necessary  to  remark  that 
the  U.  S.  Census  reported  386  as  the  number  of  slaves  in  1830.  As  this 
was  in  increase  of  175  over  the  number  reported  in  1820,  it  aroused  con 
sternation  in  Pennsylvania  and  amazement  elsewhere,  so  that  a  com 
mittee  of  the  Senate  was  immediately  appointed  to  investigate.  Their 
account  showed  that  there  had  been  no  increase  but  a  substantial  diminu 
tion  in  numbers;  and  that  the  U.  S.  officers  had  been  grossly  careless,  if 
not  positively  ignorant  in  their  work.  7.  of  S.,  1832-1833,  vol.  I,  141,  148, 
482-487;  Hazard's  Register,  IV,  380;  IX,  270-272,  395;  XI,  158,  159; 
African  Repository  and  Colonial  Journal,  VII,  315. 
68  Cf.  7.  of  S.,  1821-1822,  pp.  214,  215. 


86  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

In  Philadelphia  and  .the  older  counties  it  had  almost 
entirely  disappeared.  So  rapid  was  the  decline  that  as 
early  as  1805  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  re 
ported  that  in  the  future  it  would  devote  itself  less  to 
seeking  the  liberation  of  negroes  than  to  striving  to  im 
prove  those  already  free.  This  could  only  mean  that 
they  were  finding  very  few  to  liberate.84 

That  the  decreasing  agitation  for  the  entire  abolition 
of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  was  due  to  the  decline  of 
slavery  and  not  to  any  decrease  in  hostility  to  it,  is  shown 
by  the  character  of  other  legislation  demanded,  and  the 
readiness  with  which  stringent  laws  were  passed.  The 
act  of  1780  permitted  the  resident  of  another  state  to 
bring  his  slave  into  Pennsylvania  and  keep  him  there 
for  six  months.65  A  very  strong  feeling  developed 
against  this.  In  1795  it  was  necessary  for  the  Supreme 
Court  to  declare  that  such  a  right  was  valid.  It  was 
afterwards  decided,  however,  that  if  the  master  con 
tinued  to  take  his  slave  in  and  out  of  Pennsylvania  for 
short  periods,  the  slave  should  be  free.  Again  and 
again  the  legislature  was  asked  to  withdraw  the  priv 
ilege.  It  is  needless  to  recount  the  petitions  that  never 
ceased  to  come,  and  at  times  poured  in  like  a  flood.  At 
last  the  pressure  of  popular  feeling  could  no  longer  be 
held  back,  and  after  the  legislation  of  1847  following 
the  memorable  case  of  Prigg  v.  Pennsylvania,  when  a 
slave  was  brought  by  his  master  within  the  bounds  of 
Pennsylvania,  that  moment  by  state  law  he  was  free." 

81  Minutes  Tenth  American  Convention  Abol.   SI.,  Phila.,  1805,  p.    13. 

05  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  71. 

68  Respublica  v.  Richards,  2  Dallas  224-228;  Commonwealth  v.  Smyth,  i 
Browne  113,  114;  Laws  of  Assembly,  1847,  p.  208.  This  law  was  affirmed 
by  the  courts  in  1849.  Kauffman  v.  Oliver  10  Pa.  State  Rep.  (Barr), 
517-518.  It  was  at  times  contested  by  the  citizens  of  other  states,  as  in 


ABOLITION  87 

Long  before  this  time  the  passage  through  the  state 
of  slaves  bound  with  chains  had  awakened  the  pity  of 
those  who  saw  it.87  In  1816  it  was  decided  that  in  cer 
tain  cases  if  a  runaway  slave  gave  birth  to  a  child  in 
Pennsylvania  the  child  was  free.68  Later  the  legislature 
forbade  state  officers  to  give  any  assistance  in  returning 
fugitives ;  and  at  last  lacked  but  little  of  giving  fugitives 
trial  by  jury. 

If  it  be  asked  whether  at  this  time  Pennsylvania  was 
not  rather  decrying  slavery  among  her  neighbors  than 
destroying  it  within  her  own  gates,  since  beyond  denial 
she  still  had  slavery  there,  it  must  be  answered  that  first, 
her  slavery  as  regards  magnitude  was  a  veritable  mote, 
and  secondly,  since  after  1830,  for  example,  there  was 
not  one  slave  in  Pennsylvania  under  fifty  years  old,  it 
was  far  more  to  the  advantage  of  the  negroes  to  remain 
in  servitude  where  the  law  guaranteed  them  protection 
and  good  treatment,  than  to  be  set  free,  when  their  color 
and  their  declining  years  would  have  rendered  their 
well-being  doubtful.  It  is  probable  that  such  slavery  as 
existed  there  in  the  last  years  was  based  rather  on  the 
kindness  of  the  master  and  the  devotion  of  the  slave, 
than  on  the  power  of  the  one  and  the  suffering  of  the 
other.  It  was  a  peaceful  passing  away. 

the  famous  episode  of  J.  H.  Wheeler's  slaves  in  1855.  Cf.  Narrative  of 
Facts  in  the  Case  of  Passtnore  Williamson.  In  this  case  the  Federal 
District  Court  held  that  Pa.  had  no  jurisdiction  over  the  right  of  transit. 
In  1860  a  negress  was  brought  from  Va.  to  Pa.  She  was  at  once  told 
that  she  was  free;  but  when  her  master  returned  she  went  back  with  him. 
Phila.  Inquirer,  Aug.  29,  1860. 

67 /.  of  H.,  1821-1822,  pp.  628,  637,  950;  /.  of  S.,  1821-1822,  pp.  325,  330, 
331.  For  a  vivid  description  cf.  Parrish,  Remarks  on  the  Slavery  of  the 
Black  People  (1806),  21. 

88  If  the  mother  had  absconded  before  she  became  pregnant.  Common 
wealth  v.  Holloway  (1816),  2  Sergeant  and  Rawle  305.  Cf.  Niles's 
Weekly  Register,  X,  400. 


88  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

And  so  in  connection  with  slavery  Pennsylvania  is 
seen  to  have  been  fortunate.  Seeing  at  an  early  time  the 
pernicious  consequences  of  such  an  institution  she  was 
able,  such  were  the  circumstances  of  her  economic  en 
vironment,  and  such  was  the  character  of  her  people,  to 
check  it  so  effectually  that  it  never  assumed  threatening 
bulk.  Almost  as  quick  .to  perceive  the  evil  of  it,  she 
acted,  and  while  others  moralized  and  lamented,  she 
set  her  slaves  free.  Moreover  as  if  to  atone  for  the  sin 
of  slave-keeping  she  granted  her  freedmen  such  priv 
ileges  that  it  seemed  to  her  ardent  idealists  that  the  fu 
ture  could  not  but  promise  well. 

Whether  this  liberality  came  to  be  a  matter  of  regret 
in  after  years,  and  whether  because  of  circumstances 
sure  to  come,  but  as  yet  unforeseen,  it  was  possible  for 
the  experience  of  Pennsylvania  with  her  free  black 
population  to  be  as  happy  as  that  with  her  slaves,  it  will 
be  the  purpose  of  later  chapters  to  enquire. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

INTERMEDIATE  STATUS — SERVITUDE  AND 
APPRENTICESHIP. 

IN  Pennsylvania  the  rise  of  the  negro  from  slavery 
to  complete  freedom  was  a  process  long,  gradual,  and 
slow.  The  change  from  the  lower  to  the  higher  status 
was  not  resisted  so  long  that  it  came  at  last  in  sudden 
and  entire  transformation.  There  was  no  instantaneous 
creation  of  a  great  body  of  freedmen,  but  the  negro  was 
liberated  by  voluntary  acts  and  by  gradual  abolition,  so 
that  his  enfranchisement  was  normal  and  accomplished 
by  degrees.  There  was  no  upheaval,  no  new  era,  no 
universal  emancipation,  no  sudden  abolition.  The  pro 
cess  was  strictly  an  evolution  throughout. 

In  the  course  of  this  slow  rise  from  complete  servi 
tude  to  complete  freedom  the  negro  occupied  succes 
sively  two  distinct  intermediate  positions  ;  he  was  gener 
ally  a  servant  before  he  became  a  free  man ;  sometimes 
he  was  an  apprentice.  It  is  true  that  in  numerous  in 
stances  negro  slaves  were  made  negro  free  men,  and 
received  their  freedom  under  such  circumstances,  and 
accompanied  with  such  assistance,  as  to  make  it  possible 
for  them  to  enjoy  complete  liberty.  In  most  cases,  how 
ever,  this  was  not  so.  For  reasons  social  and  economic 
the  ascent  was  slow  and  laborious,  and  the  negro  was 
compelled  to  halt  for  long  periods  on  his  way  up.  As  a 
race  movement  it  was  rather  a  rise  from  slavery  into 
limited  servitude,  from  servitude  to  apprenticeship,  and 

89 


90  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

from  apprenticeship  to  entire  and  continuous  freedom. 

It  is  by  no  means  true  that  even  a  large  minority  of 
the  slaves  in  Pennsylvania  became  first  servants  and 
then  apprentices  before  becoming  free.  It  was  very 
rare  that  in  the  case  of  any  particular  individual  there 
was  more  than  one  intermediate  stage  in  the  progress. 
But  since  probably  the  majority  of  the  slaves  were  for 
a  number  of  years  servants  before  they  became  free,  and 
as  the  children  of  free  negroes  were  in  almost  every  case 
either  servants  or  apprentices  before  they  became  free, 
so  it  may  be  said  that  the  negroes  of  Pennsylvania,  be 
ginning,  many  of  them,  about  1680  as  slaves,  passed 
during  a  period  of  about  six  generations  through  one 
or  more  of  these  stages,  until  about  1840  nearly  all  of 
them  had  become  entirely  free.  It  is  proposed  to  in 
vestigate  the  circumstances  that  attended  this  evolution. 

In  Pennsylvania  there  was  from  the  first  an  unfree 
class  whose  members  were  not  slaves,  but  who  were  sub 
ject  to  ownership  and  were  not  free.  The  owner's  title 
was  in  theory  vested  only  in  the  possession  of  the  ser 
vice  ;  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  owned  the  body  of  the 
person  held  to  service  as  fully  as  if  that  person  were  a 
slave.  He  could  buy,  sell  or  transfer  the  servant,  and 
in  these  transactions  as  well  as  in  his  treatment  of  the 
servant  his  power  was  limited  only  by  such  restrictions 
as  the  law  specifically  imposed. 

There  is  a  certain  symmetry  about  the  development 
of  the  status  of  non-freedom.  Modern  research  has 
shown  that  in  Virginia,  for  example,  negroes  were  at 
first  legally  servants,  and  then  gradually  became 
slaves.1  In  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  a 
Southern  writer  predicted  that  the  reverse  would  next 

1  Ballagh,   White  Servitude  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  ch.  1. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  91 

take  place,  and  that  from  being  first  slaves  and  then 
servants  negroes  would  at  last  become  free.3  The  en 
tire  process  if  unarrested  and  given  time  would  thus 
have  been  from  freedom  to  servitude,  from  servitude 
to  slavery,  from  slavery  back  to  servitude,  and  from 
servitude  to  entire  freedom.  In  Pennsylvania  the  later 
stages  in  this  process,  from  slavery  to  freedom,  found 
full  development,  but  it  is  not  clear  that  the  first  ex 
isted.  In  this  colony  negro  servitude  for  a  limited  time 
does  not  seem  to  have  preceded  negro  slavery  as  a 
general  legal  system,  although  even  in  the  earliest 
years  it  is  quite  possible  that  some  negroes  may  have 
been  servants.  From  1682  to  1700,  while  negro  slavery 
closely  resembled  white  servitude  in  most  of  its  inci 
dents,  it  was  yet  fundamentally  different  in  that  white 
servants  were  held  temporarily  while  negroes  were  held 
for  life.  Accordingly  the  general  laws  concerning 
servitude  seem  to  have  been  made  primarily  for  in 
dentured  servants  and  redemptioners.  When  later 
there  arose  a  class  of  negro  servants  they  came  not 
only  under  these  laws,  but  also  under  special  laws 
affecting  them  alone.8 

After  1700  negro  servants  begin  to  appear.  The  act 
of  1725-1726  for  the  regulation  of  negroes  recognized 
four  classes  of  such  servants.  They  were,  first,  those 
negroes  who  were  unable  or  unwilling  to  support  them 
selves.  Such  were  to  be  bound  out  by  the  justices  of 

2  St.  George  Tucker.     Cf.  Ballagh,  Slavery  in  Virginia,  134,  135. 

3  Prior  to  the  special   legislation   of    1700  negro  slaves  were   regulated 
by  the  laws  for  servants,   but  the   regulation  was  rough   and  ill  defined, 
since    the    status    of    slavery    had    not    yet    been    adjusted    to    the    legal 
system  of  the  colony.     See  above,  pp.  21-23.     Certain  evidence  seems  to 
indicate   that  there   may   have   been    negro   servants  before    1700,   but   I 
have  found  no  positive  instance  of  one.  Cf.  above,  p.  22. 


92  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

the  peace  for  periods  of  a  year  at  a  time.  Secondly, 
all  children  of  free  negroes  without  exception  were 
to  be  bound  out  by  the  same  justices  until  twenty- 
four  years  of  age,  if  male,  until  twenty-one,  if  female. 
Thirdly,  such  negroes  as  were  sold  for  crime,  the 
servitude  being  either  a  satisfaction  of  court  expenses 
or  jail  fees,  or  in  graver  cases  a  punishment  for  the 
crime  itself,  as  in  the  case  of  fornication  with  a  white 
person,  when  the  penalty  for  the  first  offense  was  seven 
years.  Fourthly,  all  mulatto  children  who  were  not 
slaves  for  life,  were  to  be  bound  out  until  they  were 
thirty-one  years  of  age.* 

The  number  of  blacks  who  were  servants  prior  to 
1780  must  therefore  have  been  considerable.  It  is 
hardly  probable,  indeed,  that  the  class  was  greatly 
swelled  by  free  negroes  who  were  sold  because  they 
were  not  self-supporting,  or  even  by  the  accession  of 
many  negroes  sold  for  crime ;  but  on  the  other  hand  it 
grew  continually  with  the  growth  in  numbers  of  the 
free  negroes  themselves,  since  all  of  their  children  be 
came  servants  temporarily,  while  it  was  largely  in 
creased  by  the  mulattoes  not  slaves,  of  whom  Penn 
sylvania  always  had  many.5 

The  most  notable  enlargement  of  the  class  of  negro 
servants  was  made  by  the  abolition  act  of  1780,  one  of 
the  provisions  of  which  was  that  all  of  the  future  chil 
dren  of  registered  slaves  should  become  servants  until 

4  Stat,   at   L.,    IV,    62,    63.      The   children   of   poor   white   people   were 
bound    out   until    twenty-one    and   eighteen    respectively.     Cf.    "  An   Act 
for  the  Relief  of  the  Poor"  (1770-1771).     Stat.  at  L.,  VIII,  79.     Some 
times  free  negroes  held  for  jail  fees  bound  themselves  to  serve  a  master 
who  purchased  their  release.    Cf.  MS.  Miscellaneous  Papers,  Feb.  4,  5, 
1782. 

5  See  above,  p.  31. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  93 

they  were  twenty-eight.8  Within  twenty  years  after 
1780  there  were  probably  in  Pennsylvania  more  negro 
servants  than  slaves. 

The  number  was  further  augmented  by  negroes  who 
were  brought  from  other  places.  In  a  state  where 
labor  was  in  demand,  but  where  slavery  was  being  abol 
ished,  servitude  for  a  number  of  years  became  a  valu 
able  commodity.  Hence,  after  1780,  there  arose  a  con 
siderable  traffic  in  young  negroes  of  Delaware,  Mary 
land,  and  Virginia,  of  fourteen  years  or  older,  who 
were  taken  by  their  masters  to  Pennsylvania  and  there 
manumitted.  In  return  for  this  the  negroes  indentured 
themselves  as  servants  until  they  were  twenty-eight 
years  of  age.  The  indentures  could  then  be  assigned  to 
residents  of  the  state.7  This  assignment  for  such  a 
long  period  was  thought  by  some  to  be  an  infringement 
of  the  spirit  of  the  act  of  1780,  and  was  soon  assailed 
as  a  violation  of  liberty.  When  the  matter  was  brought 
before  the  courts,  however,  it  was  pleaded  that  the 
servitude  was  after  all  for  a  limited  period,  in  the  case 
of  men  who  otherwise  would  not  have  been  brought 
from  places  where  they  would  have  remained  slaves  all 
their  days,  while  in  Pennsylvania  they  had  the  certainty 
of  freedom  before  them.  Therefore  the  spirit  of  lib 
erty  was  really  being  served,  although  the  law  was 

6  See  above  p.   78. 

7  Stat.    at   L.,    X,    68,    69;    Respublica    v.    the    Gaoler    of    Philadelphia 
County  (1794),  i  Yeates  368,  369;  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  VII,  15. 
A  good  illustration  is  a  power  of  attorney  from  Adam  King  of  George 
town   to    Captain   John    Hand   on    the    way   to    Philadelphia.    "  You    are 
hereby  authorized  ...  to  dispose  of  the  above  named  Negros  to  the  best 
advantage,  vizt  Frederick  to  serve  till  he  arrives  at  the  age  of  Twenty 
eight  Years  say  ten  years  to  serve  .  .  .  Harriet  till  she  is  twenty-one  years 
old  say  five  years,  or  if  the  Laws  of  the  State  will  Admit  of  it  a  Longer 
time  say  till  She  is  Twenty  five,  ten  years  "...  MS.  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box 
10,  Negroes. 


94  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

apparently  infringed.     This  reasoning  prevailed,  and 
the  practice  was  thereafter  recognized  as  legal." 

It  was  with  this  sanction  that  slaveholders  from  the 
South  and  from  the  West  Indies  brought  their  negroes 
to  Pennsylvania  and  held  them  there  until  they  were 
twenty-eight  years  old.8  They  continued  to  do  this  for 
some  time,  while  the  traffic  in  servants  from  the  neigh 
boring  states  lasted  until  at  least  i845.10  So  great  was 
the  demand  for  these  servants,  that,  although  they  were 
sold  only  for  a  limited  period,  the  young  negroes 
brought  more  than  half  as  much  as  they  would  have 
brought  had  they  been  sold  as  slaves  in  the  states  from 
which  they  came.u  The  traffic  entailed  some  abuses, 
however.  In  1821  it  had  become  necessary  to  enact  a 
law  declaring  that  whoever  brought  in  a  negro  servant 
more  than  twenty-eight  years  old  should  be  answerable 

8  Yeates  368,  369.  The  privilege  was  strictly  construed.  Cf.  The 
Commonwealth  v.  Hambright  (1818),  4  Sergeant  and  Rawle  217-221. 

8  Cf.  de  la  Rochefoucault  Liancourt,  Travels  througJi  the  United  States 
of  North  America  .  .  .  in  the  Years  1795,  1796,  and  1797,  II,  355. 

M  A  negro  girl  from  Kentucky,  aged  nine,  was  entered  for  nineteen 
years  in  Washington  County  in  1845.  Her  servitude  would  thus  have 
expired  in  1864.  Cf.  Crumrine,  History  of  Washington  County,  261. 

11  Cf.  Porcupine's  Gazette,  May  15,  1799;  Phila.  Gazette,  May  18,  1809; 
Aurora,  Jan.  15,  1814.  John  Clark  of  Lancaster  County  bought  three 
negro  boys  in  Delaware  in  1814.  For  one  boy  of  fourteen  he  paid  three 
hundred  dollars;  for  two  boys,  nineteen  and  eleven  respectively,  three 
hundred  and  sixty  dollars.  Clark  MSS.  Cf.  also  3  Penrose  and  Watt 
237.  238;  J-  of  S.,  1832-1833,  vol.  I,  486.  The  report  in  the  latter  says 
"  about  half  the  usual  price  of  a  slave  is  paid  for  this  limited  assign 
ment."  The  average  value  of  a  negro  in  the  South  was  supposed  to  be 
about  three  hundred  dollars  in  1822.  The  price  rose  from  two  hundred 
dollars  about  1800  to  six  hundred  dollars  in  1830.  Cf.  Hart,  Slavery  and 
Abolition,  128.  The  reasons  why  Southern  owners  could  be  brought  to 
sell  their  negroes  in  the  North  for  less  than  they  could  obtain  in  the 
South,  are  not  always  clear,  for  the  negroes  sold  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  of  an  inferior  class.  In  some  cases  the  owners  may  have  been 
those  who  desired  enfranchisement  for  their  slaves,  and  were  glad  to  re 
ceive  some  compensation. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  95 

to  the  overseers  of  the  poor.  In  1836  this  law  was  made 
more  stringent.13 

Such  were  the  sources  of  negro  servants.  Their  legal 
status  was  distinct  from  that  of  any  other  class  in  Penn 
sylvania.  In  some  respects  it  closely  resembled  that  of 
white  servants,  in  others  that  of  negro  slaves.  From  the 
latter  it  differed  because  it  was  limited  in  time,  from  the 
former  because  it  was  circumscribed  by  additional  laws. 
The  members  of  this  class  at  different  times  were  sub 
ject  to  three  sets  of  laws;  those  which  concerned  them 
as  servants,  and  which  regulated  all  servants,  white  or 
black ;  those  which  concerned  them  as  negro  servants ; 
and  those  which  concerned  them  as  negroes,  and  regu 
lated  all  negroes,  slaves,  servants,  and  free. 

The  laws  about  servitude  in  general  were  intended 
both  to  safeguard  the  servant  in  his  helpless  condition 
and  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  master.  Thus  in  1682 
there  was  ordained  a  registry  for  servants,  to  preserve 
the  exact  terms  of  each  one's  servitude.18  In  the  follow 
ing  year  their  whole  position,  its  duties  and  its  obliga 
tions,  was  defined ;  while  in  1693  ^ne  entire  matter  was 
again  dealt  with  at  length."  In  1700  masters  were  for 
bidden  to  sell  their  servants  out  of  the  province,  or  to 
assign  them  without  proper  legal  scrutiny,  while  the 
gifts  due  at  the  expiration  of  servitude  were  carefully 

12  "  An  Act  to  Prevent  the  Increase  of  Pauperism  in  This  Common 
wealth,"  Acts  of  Assembly,  1821,  p.  254;  "  An  Act  Relating  to  the  Support 
and  Employment  of  the  Poor,"  Laws  of  Assembly,  1835-1836,  p.  546. 

u  Laws  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  1682-1700,  pp.  101,  119;  Col. 
Rec.,  I,  40;  Hazard's  Register,  X,  280.  The  courts  would  assist  a  servant 
retained  by  his  master  over  time.  Cf.  MS.  Rec.  of  the  Court  at  Upland,  p. 
96  (1678);  MS.  Court  Rec.  of  Penna.  and  Chester  Co.,  1681-1688,  p. 
46  (1686);  MS.  Court  Papers,  1732-1744,  Phila.  Co.,  Nov.  8,  1732. 

14  Laws  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  1682-1700,  pp.  152,  153 
(1683);  212,  213  (1693). 


96  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

and  clearly  defined."  On  the  other  hand  runaways  were 
to  make  satisfaction  by  extra  time  of  servitude,  a  reward 
was  established  for  anyone  who  returned  a  runaway, 
and  harboring  of  such  an  one  was  strictly  forbidden.16 
Another  act  of  the  same  year  forbade  servants  to  marry 
without  the  master's  consent,  the  penalty  being  service 
for  an  additional  year."  In  1705  extra  service  was  like 
wise  made  the  penalty  for  having  a  bastard  child.18  In 
1729-1730  the  marriages  of  servants  were  further  regu 
lated.19  And  finally  in  1771  all  previous  legislation  on 
the  subject  was  supplemented  and  more  clearly  defined.20 
During  this  whole  period  servants  were  protected  from 
the  cruelty  of  the  master,  and  if  badly  treated  they 
might,  on  application  to  the  courts,  be  set  free.21 

As  a  servant  the  negro  was  during  the  period  of  his 
indenture  practically  the  property  of  his  master.  He 
could  be  bought  and  sold  like  a  slave,  except  that  the 
authorities  were  supposed  to  scrutinize  such  transfers 
carefully  lest  the  conditions  of  service  be  violated.21  The 

15  "  An  Act  for  the  better  Regulation  of  Servants  in  This  Province 
and  Territories,"  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  54,  55.  Cf.  MS.  Phila.  Court  Rec., 
1685-1686,  4  gth  mo.,  1685;  MS.  Ancient  Records  of  Phila.,  i  i2th  mo., 
1703-1704;  MS.  Court  Papers,  1732-1744,  Phila.  Co.,  1741;  MS.  John 
Wilson's  Cash  Book,  Oct.  30,  1775. 

19  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  55,  56.  Cf.  MS.  Court  Rec.  Penna.  and  Chester  Co., 
1681-1688,  p.  37  (1685);  MS.  Phila.  Court  Rec.,  1685-1686,  6  3d  mo., 
1686.  The  number  of  servants  who  ran  away  was  enormous.  Almost 
every  copy  of  the  old  newspapers  has  several  advertisements  for  them. 

17  "  An  Act  for  the  Preventing  of  Clandestine  Marriages,"  Stat.  at  L., 
II,  22.     Repeated  in  1705.     Ibid.,  II,  161. 

18  Not    less   than    one    nor    more    than   two   years.      "  An    Act    against 
Adultery  and  Fornication,"  Stat.  at  L.,  II,   182.     Cf.  MS.  Phila.  Court 
Rec.,  1685-1686,  Feb.  3,  1685. 

18  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  153. 
*>Stat.  at  L.,  VIII,  29-31. 

21  Cf.    MS.    Docket    Court   Quarter    Sessions,    Chester    Co.,    1723-1733. 
Also  MS.  Court  Rec.  Penna.  and  Chester  Co.,   1681-1688,  p.  23   (1684). 

22  By  the  act  of  1729-1730  it  was  provided  that  all  sales  or  assignments 
in  Philadelphia  should  be  made  before  the  mayor.     Failure  to  do  this  en 
tailed  a  penalty  of  ten  pounds.     The  mayor  was  to  keep  a  register  of 
servants,  a  record  of  their  indentures,  and  a  record  of  the  time  of  their 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  97 

master  could  compel  the  servant  to  work,  and  could  in 
sist  on  his  obedience.  In  return  he  must  support  the 
servant,  giving  him  sufficient  food,  clothing,  and  shelter. 
In  the  period  after  1780  when  all  forms  of  servitude  in 
Pennsylvania  were  becoming  milder  or  disappearing  the 
master  frequently  contracted  to  give  a  certain  amount  of 
schooling  or  instruction.23  At  the  expiration  of  his  time 
the  servant  was  to  receive  certain  gifts.  The  early 
legislation  had  specified  clothing  and  sundry  farming 
tools,"  but  the  law  enjoining  the  latter  was  repealed  in 
I77i,a  and  thereafter  the  freedom  dues  were  as  a  rule 
two  suits  of  clothes.28 

assignment.  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  170,  171.  At  times  traffic  in  servants  be 
came  flourishing.  Cf.  Pa.  Gazette,  July  3,  1776;  Pa.  Packet,  Aug.  18, 
1788;  Porcupine's  Gazette,  Jan.  i,  1799;  Harrisburg  C  our  ant,  May  28, 
1800;  (Lancaster)  Constitutional  Democrat,  Aug.  26,  1806;  Phila. 
Gazette,  Jan.  15,  1807;  General  Advertiser,  July  23,  1807;  Dauphin  Guard 
ian  Feb.  2,  1808;  (Lancaster)  Times,  Mar.  28,  1809;  Democratic  Press, 
May  2,  1815;  (Harrisburg)  Chronicle,  Mar.  8,  1819.  The  advertisements 
are  very  frequent  in  the  period  1800-1812.  Some  persons  made  a  busi 
ness  of  facilitating  exchanges.  Baker's  General  Intelligence  and  Ex 
change  Office  advertised:  "  For  Sale,  a  black  girl,  18  years  old  and  10 
to  serve,  do.  14  and  4,  do.  20  and  8;  do.  10  and  8.  A  Black  Boy  19 
and  2;  do.  15  and  6;  do.  13  and  8.  do.  n  and  10."  Phila.  Gazette,  Feb. 
9,  1815. 

83  A  negro  indentured  in  1792  was  to  be  "taught  to  read  well  in  the 
Bible."      In    1808    a   negress   indentured    for   twelve  years   was   to   have 
eighteen  months  of  half-day  schooling,  and  was  to  be  taught  to  read  and 
write.     MS.   Misc.   Coll.,  Box   10,   Negroes. 

84  In  1683  the  gifts  at  freedom  were  to  be  "  One  new  Sute  of  apparell, 
ten  bushels  of  Wheat  or  fourteen  bushels  of  Indian-corn,  one  Ax,  two 
howes  one  broad  and  another  narrow."  Laws  of  the  Province  of  Penn 
sylvania  .  .  .  1682-1700,  p.  153.    In  1700  ..."  two  complete  suits  of  apparel, 
whereof  one  shall  be  new;  .  .  .  one  new  ax,  one  grubbing  hoe  and  one 
weeding  hoe  "...  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  55. 

"Stat.  at  L.,  VIII,  31. 

28  "  2  suits  one  new  "...  "  Usual  freedom  dues  "...  "  Neces 
saries  befitting  his  Station."  MSS.  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes.  In 
1771  summary  power  was  given  to  the  justices  of  the  Courts  of  Quarter 
Sessions  to  compel  the  payment  of  dues,  many  masters  having  failed  to  do 
this,  and  the  servants  being  unable  to  prosecute  for  legal  redress.  Stat. 
at  L.,  VIII,  30. 

8 


98  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

For  his  part  the  servant  owed  his  master  service,  and 
must  obey  his  commands.  Without  permission  he 
could  not  leave  the  master's  premises,  nor  absent  him 
self  without  leave.  If  he  ran  away  he  atoned  with  extra 
service.  In  1700  this  penalty  had  been  fixed  at  five  days 
for  every  day  of  absence.  In  1771  the  same  penalty  was 
reaffirmed.27  When  servants  ran  away  anyone  might 
take  them  up,  and  on  returning  them  to  the  master  claim 
a  reward  fixed  by  law.28  This  the  master  was  obliged  to 
pay  whether  he  wanted  the  servant  back  or  not,  though 
in  the  latter  case  he  frequently  sought  to  evade  payment 
by  advertising  for  the  servant  and  offering  to  pay  some 
ridiculously  low  reward,  such  as  six  cents,  or  even  at 
times  not  more  than  a  cent.29  Many  servants,  particu 
larly  the  white  redemptioners,  ran  away,  but  they  seem 
generally  to  have  been  well  treated.  There  is  rarely 
any  complaint  about  severity  or  overwork.  The  negro 
servants  were  given  such  employment  as  was  usually 
given  to  slaves.80 

Negro  servants  were  subject  to  these  laws  as  long 
as  the  laws  regulated  servitude  in  Pennsylvania.  These 
laws  they  obeyed  in  common  with  all  other  servants.  If 
they  were  forbidden  to  go  around  at  will,  or  to  marry 

27  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  13,  555  VIII,  31- 

28  Ten   shillings   if   the   negro   was   taken   up   within  ten   miles   of   the 
master's  abode,  twenty  shillings  if  farther  away.     Stat.  at  L.,  II,  55. 

39  Cf.  Porcupine's  Gazette,  July  9,  1799;  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  25,  1808; 
General  Advertiser,  Apr.  9,  1808;  Aurora,  Jan.  3,  1818;  Harrisburg  Ar 
gus,  July  26,  1828;  Union  Times,  June  13,  1834. 

80  For  runaway  servants  see  Pennsylvania  newspapers,  passim.  At 
times  this  fleeing  from  service  was  a  great  source  of  trouble  to  the 
owner.  In  1732  James  Portues  petitioned  for  extra  time  from  his 
mulatto  servant,  Ben,  showing  in  an  itemized  statement  that  the  mulatto 
had  lost  more  than  four  hundred  days  and  cost  him  more  than  five 
pounds  in  fines  and  charges.  MS.  Court  Papers,  Phila.  Co.,  1697-1732 
(1724-1732).  Occupations  are  given  in  the  advertisements  of  servants  for 
sale.  Newspapers,  passim. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  99 

without  the  master's  consent,  if  they  were  obliged  to 
obey  the  master,  to  do  such  work  as  he  gave  them,  and 
to  serve  their  terms  out,  white  servants  were  restricted 
in  exactly  the  same  way.  There  were  other  incidents, 
however,  which  made  the  status  of  white  and  black 
servants  very  different. 

First,  there  were  discriminations  concerning  a  servant 
because  he  was  a  negro  servant.  These  had  to  do  en 
tirely  with  length  of  service.  They  fall  into  two  peri 
ods  ;  from  1725-1726  to  1780,  and  from  1780  to  the  time 
when  black  servitude  in  Pennsylvania  disappeared.  The 
period  of  servitude  for  white  servants  in  the  colony  was 
as  a  rule  four  years.*1  In  the  case  of  the  negro  it  might 
be  four  years  if  a  free  negro  so  contracted  ;  but  it  might 
be  seven  or  less  for  crime,  a  period  extending  to  the 
twenty-fourth  or  the  twenty-first  year  in  the  case  of  the 
children  of  free  parents,  or  to  the  thirty-first  in  the 
case  of  mulattoes.82  These  discriminations  were  all 
swept  away  by  the  act  of  1780,  which  put  free  negroes 
upon  the  footing  of  white  people,  and  left  the  regula 
tion  of  their  children  to  themselves ;  nevertheless  this 
very  act  instituted  a  marked  discrimination  for  a  new 
class  of  servants,  when  it  declared  that  the  future 
children  of  slaves  should  be  servants  until  twenty-eight 
years  of  age.  This  practice  of  holding  negroes  for  a 
longer  term  than  white  persons,  which  lasted  for  a 
longer  time  than  had  originally  been  contemplated, 

31  In  1683  the  period  had  been  made  five  years  for  a  young  person, 
not  to  extend  beyond  his  twenty-second  year.  Laws  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania  .  .  .  1682-1700,  p.  153.  In  1693  this  age  limit  for  young  persons 
was  made  twenty-one  years,  but  the  term  for  older  servants  remained 
five  years.  Ibid.,  237.  In  1700  the  time  was  made  four  years  or  more. 
Stat.  at  L.,  II,  55. 

**Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  62,  63.  Cf.  Pa.  Gazette,  Oct.  23,  1776.  MS.  Slave 
Register  of  1780  for  Chester  County. 


ioo  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

since  it  was  allowed  to  apply  to  negroes  brought  into 
Pennsylvania  from  other  states,  bade  fair  to  perpetuate 
itself  and  last  longer  still.  About  1800  there  arose  the 
practice  of  holding  until  twenty-eight  not  only  the  chil 
dren  of  slaves,  but  also  the  children  of  such  female 
servants,  if  these  children  were  born  during  the  servi 
tude  of  their  mothers.  For  a  while  there  was  no  inter 
ference  with  this,  and  some  of  the  inferior  courts  even 
decided  that  it  was  legal.88  In  1824,  however,  it  was  de 
clared  that  the  practice  was  unlawful ;  and  finally  in 
1826  in  the  case  of  Miller  v.  Dwilling  the  Supreme 
Court  affirmed  that  because  of  birth  no  person  could  be 
held  to  servitude  until  twenty-eight  but  one  whose 
mother  was  a  slave  at  the  time  of  his  birth.84  After  this 
time  the  number  of  negroes  born  in  Pennsylvania,  who 
could  be  held  for  a  longer  term  than  white  servants, 
became  relatively  small. 

In  the  second  place  negro  servants  were  subject  to 
regulations  which  affected  them  because  they  were 
negroes.  Thus  by  the  laws  of  1700  and  1705-1706  they 
were  tried  in  special  courts,  punished  with  special  pen 
alties,  and  excluded  from  bearing  witness  against  white 
people.85  To  this  extent  their  status  was  that  of  the 
slave.  These  provisions  were  all  repealed  in  1780,  but 
meanwhile  the  act  of  1725-1726  had  subjected  them  to 
additional  discriminations.  Like  a  slave  a  negro  ser 
vant,  if  taken  up  more  than  ten  miles  from  his  master's 
habitation  without  written  consent  from  the  master, 
was  to  be  whipped  with  as  many  as  ten  lashes.38  He  was 

83  Communication  of  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Minutes  of  Seventeenth 
Session  of  the  Amer.  Conv.  Abol.  SI.,  n. 
34  14  Sergeant  and  Rawle  442-446;  Hazard's  Register,  XI,  158. 

85  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  77-79. 

86  Ibid.,  IV,  63.    The  person  taking  him  up  was  to  receive  five  shillings 
from  the  owner. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  101 

not  to  be  allowed  to  ramble  about  seeking  employment 
even  though  he  had  permission  from  the  master,  and 
though  he  had  covenanted  to  pay  him  money.87  No 
negro  was  to  be  found  tippling  or  drinking  near  any 
place  where  liquors  were  sold ;  nor  was  he  to  be  away 
from  his  master's  house  after  nine  o'clock  at  night,  un 
less  he  had  license  from  the  master.88  The  penalty  was 
whipping  up  to  ten  lashes.89  In  1780  these  restrictions 
were  entirely  removed. 

Thus  the  negro  servant  occupied  an  intermediate 
status,  lower  than  that  of  the  white  servant,  higher  than 
that  of  the  black  slave.  He  was  the  property  of  his 
master  for  a  period,  must  obey  the  master,  could  not 
marry  without  the  master's  permission,  and  could  be 
bought  and  sold  by  him  like  a  slave.  On  the  other  hand 
he  had  the  law's  protection,  the  master  must  treat  him 
kindly,  and  at  the  end  of  his  service  must  give  him  free 
dom  dues.  To  this  extent  his  position  was  that  of  the 
white  servant.  But  it  was  different  and  lower  in  that 
the  service  was  longer,  and  that  before  1780  he  was  un 
der  special  restrictions  as  to  movement  and  conduct, 
and  was  even  subject  to  the  special  trials  and  punish 
ments  of  the  slave.  Because  the  period  of  his  service 
was  limited,  however,  his  status  was  always  higher  than 
that  of  the  slave. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  slavery  period  some  negroes 
had  risen  sufficiently  high  to  be  able  to  occupy  an 
intermediate  status  of  non-freedom  higher  than  the  pre 
ceding.  They  began  to  be  held  in  a  servitude  of  a  more 

37  Ibid.,  IV,  63,  64.  A  master  so  permitting  was  to  be  fined  twenty 
shillings.  This  law  was  not  strictly  enforced.  Negroes  frequently  hired 
themselves  of  their  masters. 

MIbid.,  IV,  63. 

29  Ibid. 


102  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

limited  and  more  dignified  character  than  that  of  the 
common  servant ;  a  servitude,  moreover,  of  which  the 
incidents  were  the  same  for  negroes  as  for  the  white 
persons  included  in  it.40  That  is,  they  had  been  able  to 
become  apprentices. 

Apprenticeship  is  a  species  of  servitude  in  which  the 
master  gives  instruction  and  the  apprentice  gives 
service.  In  some  respects  it  is  hardly  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  lower  forms  of  servitude,  since  the  service  of 
the  apprentice  is  absolutely  owned  by  the  master  for  a 
term  of  years.  It  differs  from  the  lower  forms  theo 
retically  since  while  a  servant  works  in  return  for  money 
advanced  to  another  person  by  the  master,  the  ap 
prentice  serves  in  return  for  tuition  in  some  art  or 
mystery.  It  differs  in  fact  because  the  character  of  the 
servant's  work  is  not  clearly  defined,  but  the  service  of 
the  apprentice  is  supposed  to  be  limited  to  the  mystery 
specified  in  his  indenture.41 

Apprenticeship,  which  was  well  known  in  both  the 
law  and  custom  of  England  and  the  colonies,  grew  up 
in  Pennsylvania  in  connection  with  children,  and  even 
adults,  whose  support  was  not  otherwise  well  provided 
for,  and  who  lacked  the  facilities  for  learning  some 
trade.42  In  1705-1706  it  was  made  lawful  for  the  over 
seers  of  the  poor  with  the  consent  of  two  or  more  jus 
tices  of  the  peace  to  apprentice  the  children  of  parents 

40  Previous  to  1780  negro  apprentices  like  negro  servants  were  subject 
to  the  discriminations  which  affected  all  negroes,  but  apprenticeship  itself 
involved    no    discriminatory    incidents. 

41  The  law  of  Pennsylvania  always  considered  apprenticeship  a  higher 
form  of  servitude  than  that  of  the  indentured  servant.     Cf.  Yeates  233;  3 
Rawle  307. 

42  For  early  examples  see  MS.  Ancient  Rec.  of  Sussex  Co.,  1681-1709, 
p.    97    (1681);    MS.    Germantown    Rec.    of   the   Courts,    1691-1707,   p.    5 
(1692);  MS.  Min.  Chester  Co.  Courts,  1697-1710,  p.  28  (1698-1699). 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  103 

who  were  living  but  unable  to  support  them ;"  while 
in  1713  the  Orphans  Court  was  authorized  to  apprentice 
poor  children  whose  parents  were  dead.44  As  yet  there 
was  no  comprehensive  legislation  on  the  subject,  how 
ever,  and  for  many  years  the  obligations  of  the  status 
were  not  clearly  defined  in  the  colony's  statute  law.48  It 
is  probable  that  at  this  time  the  laws  concerning  servants 
were  looked  upon  as  roughly  concerning  apprentices 
also,  but  when  the  latter  became  numerous  enough  to 
be  noticeable  it  was  found  that  existing  legislation  did 
not  regulate  them  sufficiently.48  Therefore  in  1762- 
1763  a  law  was  passed  carefully  defining  their  duties 
and  privileges.47  This  law,  which  was  re-enacted  with 
slight  modifications  in  1769-1770,  became  the  basis  upon 
which  rested  the  regulation  of  apprentices  throughout 
the  succeeding  period.48 

The  law  of  1769-1770  provided  that  the  apprentice 
should  be  bound  by  indenture.49  This  was  to  be  done 
with  the  consent  of  the  child  together  with  that  of  the 
parent,  guardian,  or  next  friend,  or  that  of  the  overseers 
of  the  poor  with  the  assent  of  two  justices  of  the  peace.80 

48  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  253. 

"Ibid.,  Ill,  19. 

43  Cf.   Votes  and  Proceedings,  IV,  283. 

"CY.  Stat.  at  L.,  VI,  246;  VII,  360;  Votes  and  Proceedings,  IV,  283; 
3  Rawle  304-311. 

*7  "  An  Act  for  the  Regulation  of  Apprentices  within  this  Province," 
Stat.  at  L.,  VI,  246-249. 

48  "  An  Act  for  the  Regulation  of  Apprentices  within  this  Province," 
Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  360-363. 

49  For  numerous  examples  in  the  case  of  negro  apprentices,   see  MS. 
indentures  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes. 

80  The  infant  had  to  consent  and  be  a  party  to  the  contract.  Cf.  i 
Ashmead  123-126;  Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  360,  361;  6  Sergeant  and  Rawle  340- 
342;  2  Pa.  Law  Journal  Rep.  (510) -(511);  5  Wharton  128-131.  The 
father's  consent  was  required,  cf.  8  Watts  and  Sergeant  339-340;  but  if 
the  father  was  an  unfit  person,  as  for  example  a  drunkard,  the  mother's 
assent  was  lawful;  see  i  Ashmead  71-73;  2  Rawle  269-271;  i  Rawle  190- 
195.  The  master  himself  could  not  act  as  best  friend;  cf.  i  Sergeant 
and  Rawle  336-337;  3  id.  158-167. 


104  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

The  binding  was  to  be  done  for  the  purpose  of  learning 
some  mystery,  art,  or  occupation.51  The  courts  guarded 
the  wording  of  the  indenture  with  great  care.52  By  this 
covenant  the  apprentice  was  to  be  bound  till  the  age  of 
eighteen,  if  a  girl,  or  twenty-one,  if  a  boy.53 

The  master,  who  was  a  party  to  the  contract,  was 
obliged  to  fulfil  his  covenant  as  promised,  that  is,  he 
must  teach  the  mystery  specified  in  the  indenture,"  and 
give  the  apprentice  food,  clothing,  and  shelter,  unless 
otherwise  specially  contracted."  He  was  obliged  to  ful 
fil  the  contract  in  person,  for  he  could  not  transfer 
the  apprentice  at  will  as  he  could  a  slave  or  a  servant.58 
The  indenture  could  only  be  assigned  with  the  consent 
of  the  apprentice  and  that  of  his  parent  or  guardian,57 
and  the  apprentice  could  not  be  taken  out  of  the  state.58 
In  addition  to  giving  support  the  master  was  expected 
to  give  other  things,  such  as  a  certain  amount  of  school 
ing  and  instruction,  matters  which,  at  first  fixed  by  cus 
tom,  came  afterwards  to  be  regarded  as  legally  neces- 

51  Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  360.  This  was  construed  very  widely  so  as  to  in 
clude  such  general  training  as  housewifery,  and  such  a  lowly  occupation 
as  that  of  a  chimpey-sweep.  Cf.  i  Browne  197-199;  2  Browne  275-276. 
For  a  negro  "chimney  sweeper"  (1815),  cf.  i  Sergeant  and  Rawle  330- 
333;  also  ibid.,  252,  where,  however,  the  court  seemed  reluctant  to  give 
a  construction  wide  enough  to  include  housewifery. 

62  10  Sergeant  and  Rawle  416-417;   13  id.  186-189. 

53  Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  361. 

34  5  Pa.  State  Rep.,  269-272;   i  Wharton  112-115. 

K  Cf.  Commonwealth  v.  Conrow  (1845),  2  Pa.  State  Rep.,  402-403, 
where  in  lieu  of  the  usual  meat,  drink,  and  washing,  the  contract  called 
for  a  weekly  wage.  In  this  case  Justice  Gibson  said  that  the  law-makers 
of  1770  had  evidently  intended  that  the  apprentice  should  be  an  inmate 
of  the  master's  house,  and  that  such  was  still  the  case  in  the  country; 
but  he  noticed  that  a  different  custom  had  gradually  arisen  in  the  cities. 

M  See  above,  pp.  25,  96. 

57  Cf.  i  Sergeant  and  Rawle  248;  i  Ashmead  405. 

58  6   Binney  203. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  105 

essary.59  If  the  master  failed  to  do  what  he  had 
covenanted  to  do,  or  if  he  treated  the  apprentice  cruelly, 
or  caused  him  to  do  work  injurious  to  his  morals,  then 
on  application  the  justice  of  the  peace  and  the  Court 
of  Quarter  Sessions  could  coerce  the  master  or  set  the 
apprentice  free.80  At  the  expiration  of  his  time  the  ap 
prentice  was  to  receive  gifts  of  clothing  or  a  sum  of 
money.61 

The  apprentice  owed  the  master  only  such  service 
as  was  specified  in  the  indenture,  and  the  master  could 
compel  him  to  perform  no  other.62  During  the  period 
of  his  service  he  could  not  leave  the  master's  premises 
without  permission,  nor  without  permission  could  he 
marry.63  If  he  was  not  obedient  to  lawful  commands, 
or  if  he  failed  to  fulfil  his  share  of  the  contract,  he  might 
be  committed  to  the  workhouse  on  complaint  of  the 
master  by  the  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions,  or  he  might 
be  imprisoned  at  hard  labor.*4  If  he  ran  away  he  might 
be  arrested  and  committed  to  jail  until  he  consented  to 

59  Cf.  Commonwealth  v.  Pennott  (1849),  i  Brightly  189-190,  where  an 
indenture  not  covenanting  to  give  a  reasonable  amount  of  schooling  was 
held  void.  In  1792  a  negro  apprentice  was  to  be  taught  "  to  read  well 
in  the  Bible."  MS.  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes.  An  indenture  for  a 
negro  apprentice  in  1794  calls  for  "  Six  months  Night  and  Six  months 
Day  Schooling."  Ibid.  In  1812  an  indenture  covenants  to  send  a  negro 
apprentice  "  Eighteen  Months  to  School."  Ibid. 

90  S tat.  at  L.,  VII,  361;  i  Browne  24-29.  Cf.,  however,  2  Browne  205- 
211. 

61  Cf.  indentures  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box   10,  Negroes. 

62  Cf.  4  Pa.  Law  Journal  Rep.   <44o)-(443). 

83  Cf.  2  Yeates  321-323.  In  an  indenture  of  1812  a  negro  is  to  obey 
the  lawful  commands  of  his  master;  do  no  damage  to  his  master  nor 
permit  others  to  do  it;  neither  to  waste  nor  lend  his  master's  goods,  and 
not  to  buy  or  sell  any  goods  without  permission;  not  to  absent  himself 
without  leave,  nor  haunt  taverns  or  places  of  amusement;  not  to  commit 
fornication,  and  not  to  marry.  MS.  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box  10,  Negroes. 

64  Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  362.  The  master  himself  was  permitted  to  employ 
moderate  correction.  Cf.  i  Ashmead  267. 


io6  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

return  home.65  The  penalty  for  harboring  an  apprentice 
was  twenty  shillings  for  each  day,  to  be  paid  to  the 
master.86 

The  laws  of  apprenticeship  in  Pennsylvania  were 
made  primarily  for  white  people,  but  after  1780  they 
applied  to  a  great  many  negroes  also.  There  were  some 
negro  apprentices  before  this,67  and  there  are  extant  nu 
merous  indentures  immediately  following  the  abolition 
act.68  From  1790  on  the  number  is  large.69  For  some 
years  after  the  act  of  1780  it  is  probable  that  many 
negroes,  who  according  to  law  should  have  been  bound 
as  apprentices,  were  held  and  treated  as  servants ;  and 
even  as  late  as  1814  a  plea  was  made  before  the  Su 
preme  Court  that  a  black  boy  was  not  in  fact  an  ap 
prentice,  but  a  servant ;  but  this  was  decisively  overruled 
by  the  Court,  and  thereafter  no  more  was  heard  of  it.70 
After  the  abolition  act  was  passed  the  friends  of  the 
negro  took  care  to  bind  out  negro  children  and  see  that 
the  terms  of  the  indentures  were  strictly  and  justly  con 
strued.71  Indeed  the  apprenticing  of  negroes  now  be- 

85  Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  362.  By  a  law  of  1799  a  runaway  was  liable  for 
damages  when  he  became  of  age.  Acts  of  Ass.,  1799,  p.  475.  Cf.  (Pitts- 
burg)  Allegheny  Democrat,  Nov.  21,  1826;  Mifflin  Eagle,  Apr.  28,  1831. 

88  Stat.  at  L.,  VII,  363. 

67  MS.  Record  of  Indentures  of  Apprentices,  Servants,  Redemptioners, 
etc.,  81  (1771),  129  (1772),  662  (1773). 

68  MS.  Misc.  Papers,  Dec.   14,   1783.     MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I, 
91   (1787).  MSS.  in  Misc.  Coll.,  Box   10,  Negroes. 

69  Ibid,  and  MS.  Return  of  Directors  of  the  Poor,  Chester  Co.,  1802. 
For  an  instance  cf.  Boucher,  History  of  Westmoreland  Co.,  325. 

70  Cf.  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  89;  Commonwealth  v.  Vanlear,  i 
Sergeant  and  Rawle,  248-253;  Respublica  v.  Catharine  Keppele,  i  Yeates 
233-237,  where  it  is  laid  down  that  while  formerly  the  children  of  free 
negroes  and  mulattoes  might  be  bound  as  servants,  this  was  only  under 
the  sanction  of  a  special  statute  (the  act  of  1725-1726,  repealed  in  1780), 
and  that  now  no  minor  could  be  bound  as  a  servant  even  by  his  parent. 
Cf.  Commonwealth  v.  Baird,  i  Ashmead  267 :  "  In  Pennsylvania,  a  par 
ent  cannot  make  his  child  a  servant  "... 

71  Cf.  Moore  and  Jones's  Traveller's  Directory  (1802),  p.  9. 


SERVITUDE  AND  APPRENTICESHIP  107 

came  so  frequent  that  opportunities  arose  for  abusing 
it.  It  began  to  be  a  regular  practice  for  unscrupulous 
men,  under  pretext  of  relieving  poor  negroes  of  the 
burden  of  their  children  and  of  providing  comfortable 
places  for  them,  to  induce  these  negroes  to  bind  out 
their  children  for  a  term  of  years,  often  paying  them  a 
sum  of  money  to  further  the  transaction.  Such  a  mas 
ter  would  then  assign  his  indenture  for  a  valuable  con 
sideration,  and  it  frequently  proved  impossible  to  trace 
the  apprentice  thereafter.  For  a  time  this  evil  defied  all 
efforts  made  to  check  it ;  but  it  was  directly  contrary  to 
the  law  of  apprentices,  and  the  zealous  work  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  finally  brought  it  to  an 
end  about  1817." 

Such  were  the  steps  from  slavery  to  freedom.  In 
1700  probably  most  of  the  negroes  in  Pennsylvania 
were  slaves.  In  1830  slavery  was  almost  extinct  there. 
The  long,  slow  transformation  was  now  nearly  com 
plete.  That  the  ascent  had  been  very  gradual,  that  the 
negro  had  mounted  up  from  one  elevation  to  another, 
there  still  remained  undeniable  evidence,  for  negro 
slaves,  servants,  and  apprentices  were  to  be  found  side 
by  side  with  negro  freemen.  But  the  older  in  time  the 
status  was  the  fewer  were  the  persons  comprehended 
in  it.  There  were  now  very  few  slaves ;  there  were 
not  many  servants ;  there  was  a  moderate  number  of 
apprentices ;  and  there  were  a  great  many  negroes  who 
were  entirely  free.  Each  status  had  constantly 
changed  in  relative  importance.  From  1680  to  1700  life 
servitude  had  existed,  while  from  1700  to  1780  was  the 

72  i  Sergeant  and  Rawle  249-250;  Report  of  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Min 
utes  Fourteenth  American  Convention  Abol.  SI.,  Phila.,  1816,  p.  8; 
Commonwealth  v.  Vanlear  (1814),  i  Sergeant  and  Rawle  249-250;  Com 
monwealth  v.  .  .  .  Jones  (1817),  3  Sergeant  and  Rawle  158-167. 


io8  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

characteristic  period  of  slavery.  In  the  first  seventy 
years  of  this  time  nearly  every  negro  was  a  slave,  a 
few  were  free,  while  some  were  servants  soon  .to  be 
come  free.  In  the  next  thirty  years,  from  1750  to  1780, 
slavery  still  predominated,  but  no  longer  to  the  same  ex 
tent,  since  manumission  was  making  free  negroes  more 
numerous,  while  servitude  was  becoming  wide-spread 
and  important.  The  next  period,  from  1780  to  about 
1810,  was  the  period  characterized  by  servitude.  There 
were  still  many  slaves  at  first ;  but  slavery  was  waning, 
sentiment  was  against  it,  and  the  abolition  act  had 
been  passed.  On  the  other  hand  this  very  act  had  cre 
ated  a  new  body  of  servants ;  under  a  construction  of 
one  of  its  parts  many  servants  were  being  brought  from 
other  states ;  and  many  negroes  were  now  becoming 
servants  through  partial  manumission.  In  addition 
there  arose  a  class  of  negro  apprentices,  who  occupied  a 
position  above  that  of  servants.  Last  of  all  were  the 
free  negroes,  becoming  more  numerous  than  all  the 
others  combined.  In  the  third  period,  from  1810  to 
about  1830,  slavery  almost  disappeared;  the  servants 
were  gradually  becoming  free;  and  apprenticing 
stopped  because  of  the  race  prejudice  which  was  de 
veloping.  In  Pennsylvania  the  negroes  as  a  race  had 
emerged  into  freedom." 

78  Some  remnants  of  both  slavery  and  servitude  lasted  in  Pennsylvania 
down  to  the  Civil  War. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  FREE  NEGRO. 

IT  has  been  shown  that  the  rise  of  the  negro  in  Penn 
sylvania  was  gradual,  and  that  he  passed  out  of  slavery 
up  to  freedom  through  servitude  more  or  less  limited. 
After  he  became  free  his  progress  continued  to  be  of 
the  same  character.  In  some  respects  his  freedom  was 
still  incomplete,  for  he  was  not  so  free  as  a  free  white 
man.  In  civil  position  this  inequality  lasted  until  1780; 
in  political  status  until  1870. 

Up  to  1780  the  free  negro  in  common  with  the  negro 
servant  was  subject  to  some  of  the  regulations  made  for 
negro  slaves.  This  was  so  in  the  matter  of  trials  and 
punishments.  Before  1700  negroes  when  tried  were 
brought  before  the  same  courts  as  white  men.1  In  that 
year  was  passed  a  law  to  regulate  the  trial  of  negroes, 
which  declared  that  they  should  no  longer  be  tried  in 
the  usual  courts,  but  in  special  courts  only.2  This  law, 
renewed  and  amended  in  1705-1706,  was  passed  at  a 
time  when  free  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  had  not  yet 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  law-givers,  but  it  remained 

1  For  an  instance  cf.  MS.  Min.  Court  Quarter  Sess.,  Bucks  Co.,  1684- 
1730,  p.  93  (1688).  In  1700  a  negro  killed  a  white  man  and  was  com 
mitted  to  prison.  Shortly  thereafter  the  act  for  the  trial  of  negroes  was 
passed  and  it  became  a  question  how  the  negro  should  be  tried.  There 
was  considerable  discussion,  but  finally  it  was  decided  that  although  he 
might  properly  be  tried  by  the  special  court,  yet  it  was  safer  not  to  do  so. 
"  Order'd,  That  there  should  be  forthwith  issued  a  Commission  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer,  to  try  them  by  Juries."  Col.  Rec.,  II,  n,  12,  18. 

*  Stat.   at  L.,   II,   77-79. 

109 


no  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

in  force  until  1780.  During  the  period  which  inter 
vened  there  arose  a  class  of  free  negroes  constantly 
increasing.  They  were  not  specifically  included  in  the 
law,  nevertheless,  while  the  law  seemed  to  have  in  view 
slaves  and  servants,  it  spoke  of  negroes,  and  free  ne 
groes  were  tried  in  the  special  courts.8  Accordingly 
during  this  time  they  were  debarred  from  the  right  of 
trial  by  jury.4  The  same  laws  provided  punishments 
for  negroes  convicted.  When  these  punishments  were 
established  they  were  undoubtedly  intended  for  slaves, 
but  again  the  wording  of  the  law  included  all  negroes.8 
During  part  of  the  time  before  1780  some  of  these  pen- 

8  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  233-236.  ..."  All  such  offences  committed  by  any 
negro  or  negroes  within  this  government."  Ibid.,  II,  77,  78  (1700). 
"  It  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  two  justices  of  the  peace  of  this 
province,  who  shall  be  particularly  commissionated  by  the  governor  for 
that  service,  within  the  respective  counties  thereof,  and  six  of  the  most 
substantial  freeholders  of  the  neighborhood,  to  hear,  examine,  try  and 
determine  all  such  offences  committed  by  any  negro  or  negroes  within 
this  province."  Ibid.,  II,  234  (1705-1706).  Cf.  order  authorizing  a 
special  court  to  be  held:  ..."  to  Jno  Hannum  and  J  (?)  Morton  .  .  .  Es 
quires  two  of  our  Justices  of  our  peace  within  the  County  of  Chester  .  .  . 
Know  Ye  that  for  the  hearing  trying  and  determining  all  and  s[undry] 
the  Crimes  and  offences  that  have  been  committed  or  shall  be  hereafter 
committed  by  any  Negro  or  Negroes  whet[her  slave] s  or  free  within  the 
said  County  of  Chester  .  .  .  We  have  assigned  you  ...  to  hold  such  special 
Court  or  Courts  "...  MS.  Misc.  Papers,  1684-1847,  Chester  Co.,  149 
(1762). 

4  In  the  controversy  of  1837-1838  concerning  the  negro's  right  to  the 
franchise  this  was  often  pointed  out  as  one  of  the  proofs  that  full  rights 
had  never  been  extended  to  him  in  early  times.  Notwithstanding  there  is 
room  for  some  little  doubt.  The  records  of  the  courts  both  ordinary  and 
special  are  so  scanty  as  to  afford  small  clue  to  what  the  prevailing  usage 
was.  There  is  at  least  one  instance  of  a  mulatto  being  brought  before 
the  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions  at  Philadelphia.  Cf.  MS.  Rec.  General 
Quarter  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  1773-1780,  June  6,  1774-  After  1776  it 
was  believed  that  even  slaves  had  the  right  to  a  jury  trial;  and  it  was 
asserted  that  the  constitution  gave  equal  legal  rights  to  free  men  whether 
white  or  black.  Neither  before  nor  after  1776  was  any  test-case  brought, 
so  that  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain  the  truth.  After  1780  by  the  abolition 
of  the  special  courts  the  discrimination  was  entirely  removed. 

6  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  79,  235. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  FREE  NEGRO   in 

alties  were  harsher  than  those  imposed  upon  white 
people  guilty  of  the  same  crimes.  Thus,  the  punishment 
for  murder,  arson,  burglary,  buggery,  or  rape,  was 
death.9  In  the  case  of  white  people  these  crimes  with 
the  exception  of  murder  were  not  capital  before  I7i8.7 
It  is  accordingly  evident  both  from  the  manner  in  which 
he  was  judged  and  the  penalties  to  which  he  was  sub 
ject  that  the  free  negro  occupied  a  status  inferior  to  that 
of  the  white  man. 

In  1725-1726,  when  free  negroes  had  become  fairly 
numerous,  they  were  subjected  to  additional  discrimina 
tions.  First  there  were  provisions  against  vagrancy. 
Just  as  security  was  demanded  when  a  negro  was  made 
free  on  the  ground  that  free  negroes  had  been  found 
to  be  idle  and  slothful  people,  so  it  was  provided  that  if 
any  free  negro  being  able-bodied  and  fit  to  work  should 
fail  to  do  so  or  become  a  vagrant,  then  any  two  magis 
trates  having  jurisdiction  should  bind  out  such  negro 
from  year  to  year  as  they  might  think  fit.8  This  provi 
sion  does  not  seem  to  have  been  enacted  in  a  spirit  hos 
tile  to  the  negro,  but  appears  to  have  been  directed 
solely  against  such  negroes  as  were  unwilling  or  unable 
to  become  self-supporting.  In  Pennsylvania  after  1750 

6  Ibid. 

1  For  burglary,  imprisonment,  branding  and  whipping,  Stat.  at  L., 
II,  173,  174  (1705-1706).  In  1718  the  death  penalty  was  provided  for  one 
who  entered  a  house  with  intent  to  commit  felony  or  kill.  Ibid.,  Ill,  203, 
204.  For  buggery,  life  imprisonment  and  whipping.  Ibid.,  II,  183,  184 
(1705-1706).  For  rape,  seven  years  imprisonment  at  hard  labor,  public 
whipping  and  forfeiture;  for  the  second  offense,  castration  and  branding. 
Ibid.,  II,  7  (1700).  In  1705-1706  castration  was  abolished  for  branding 
with  the  letter  R.  Ibid.,  II,  178.  In  1718  the  death  penalty  was  pro 
vided  for  arson,  buggery,  sodomy,  highway  robbery,  rape,  and  murder. 
Ibid.,  Ill,  203,  204. 

•  "  An  Act  for  the  better  Regulation  of  Negroes,"  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  61,  62. 


ii2  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

the  negro  had  so  many  friends  that  if  he  was  willing  to 
work  he  could  generally  succeed. 

Secondly,  there  were  parts  of  the  act  of  1725-1726 
which  had  to  do  with  the  relations  of  free  negroes  to 
slaves.  In  these  relations  white  people  were  restricted 
also,  but  in  the  case  of  the  free  negro  the  penalties  were 
made  heavier,  because  there  was  greater  need  to  sup 
press  the  nuisance  involved  in  the  harboring  of  slaves 
by  their  friends  who  were  free,  or  in  the  receiving  on 
the  part  of  free  negroes  of  goods  stolen  by  slaves  ;  there 
being  greater  difficulty  to  prevent  these  things  taking 
place  between  one  negro  and  another,  than  between  a 
negro  and  a  white  man.  Accordingly,  if  a  free  negro 
harbored  any  slave  without  the  master's  consent,  that 
negro  was  to  forfeit  five  shillings  for  the  first  hour,  and 
one  shilling  for  each  hour  succeeding.  For  a  similar 
offense  a  white  man  paid  thirty  shillings  a  day.8  If  a 
free  negro  traded  with  any  slave  unless  the  master  gave 
consent,  he  was  to  make  restitution  and  be  whipped  not 
exceeding  twenty-one  lashes.10  This  offense  involved 
for  a  white  person  repayment  of  thrice  the  value  of  the 
goods.11  It  was  further  enacted  that  if  the  negro  did  not 
pay  the  fines  incurred,  then  the  justices  might  order 
satisfaction  by  servitude." 

Thirdly,  the  law  strove  to  prevent  intermixture  of  the 
races.  Upon  white  people  offending  it  imposed 
stringent  penalties,  but  upon  free  negroes  it  bore  much 
more  heavily.  Thus,  if  a  free  negro  man  or  woman 
married  a  white  person,  that  negro  was  to  be  sold  by 

9  Stat.  at  L.,   IV,   62,    64.     For   concealing   servants   the  penalty  was 
twenty  shillings  a  day.     Ibid.,  II,  56. 

10  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  62. 

11  Stat.  at  L.,  II,  56. 

12  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  62.  i  ,  ... 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF   THE  FREE  NEGRO       113 

the  justices  of  the  Quarter  Sessions  as  a  slave  for  life. 
For  a  white  person  offending  the  penalty  was  seven 
years  of  servitude,  or  a  fine  of  thirty  pounds.18  If  the 
offense  was  fornication  or  adultery  the  free  negro  was 
to  be  sold  as  a  servant  for  seven  years.  The  white  per 
son  thus  guilty  was  to  be  punished  by  whipping,  im 
prisonment,  or  branding  with  the  letter  A.14  That  these 
sections  prevented  intermarriage  before  1780  there  is 
little  doubt ;  but  that  they  failed  to  prevent  illicit  inter 
course  decisive  proof  is  afforded  by  the  large  number 
of  mulattoes.1' 

Finally,  it  seems  probable  that  the  laws  forbidding 
negroes  to  frequent  tippling-houses,  or  to  carry  arms, 
or  to  assemble  in  companies,  applied  to  the  free  negro 
as  well  as  the  slave ;  but  these  laws  were  all  enforced 
so  loosely  that  it  is  probable  that  the  application  was 
more  theoretical  than  real. 

Thus,  before  1780  a  negro  even  if  free  was  far  from 
being  as  free  as  a  white  man.  He  had  no  political  rights 
and  could  have  none."  He  could  not  marry  a  white  per 
son  and  hence  could  never  aspire  to  social  equality.  In 
his  family  relations  he  was  not  permitted  to  have  charge 
of  the  raising  of  his  own  children."  He  had  no  access 
to  the  ordinary  courts  of  the  colony,  but  was  subjected 
to  special  jurisdiction  and  trial  without  jury.  In  his 
dealings  with  fellow  members  of  his  own  race  who  were 
not  free,  he  was  closely  watched  and  strictly  circum 
scribed.  Even  in  his  personal  movements  he  was  not 
altogether  free,  since  when  he  travelled  from  one  place 

13  Stat.  at  L.,  IV,  63. 

14  Stat.  at  L.,  II,   1 80,   181. 

15  See  above,  p.  31. 

18  See  below,  chap.  X. 
17  See  above,  p.  92. 


ii4  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

to  another  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  have  a  pass.18 
And  finally,  even  this  status  of  freedom,  imperfect  as  it 
was,  could  be  reached  only  with  difficulty  and  retained 
only  with  effort.  It  was  as  easy  to  lose  as  it  was  hard 
to  attain.  The  way  up  was  obstructed  by  the  law  about 
manumission ;  other  parts  of  the  same  law  made  re 
version  toward  slavery  easy.  For  laziness  or  small 
crimes  the  free  negro  might  be  made  a  servant ;  for 
graver  offenses  he  might  again  become  a  slave.  That 
his  position  was  less  hard  than  might  appear  was  be 
cause  the  laws  were  not  rigorously  applied.  There  was 
as  yet  no  bitterness  between  the  races. 

In  1780  the  old  laws  relating  to  the  negro  were  abol 
ished  ;  the  restrictions  placed  upon  him  were  removed, 
and  after  that  time  he  stood  upon  a  plane  of  legal  equal 
ity  with  the  white  man,  except  that  the  state  constitu 
tion  did  not  give  him  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  that 
acts  of  the  Legislature  denied  him  the  right  of  becom 
ing  part  of  the  state  militia.19  This  latter  was  no  serious 
hardship,  while  his  right  to  vote  had  as  yet  been  neither 
urged  nor  questioned.  He  was  now  tried  in  the  same 
courts,  punished  with  the  penalties,  and  given  the  same 
civil  rights  as  a  white  person. 

In  the  period  after  1780  the  only  laws  made  in  Penn 
sylvania  to  affect  the  legal  position  of  the  negro  were 
made  in  his  favor.  Because  of  his  peculiar  situation, 
his  recent  connection  with  slavery,  and  his  present  prox 
imity  to  slavery  in  the  South,  it  was  found  that  the  gen 
eral  legislation  of  the  commonwealth  did  not  sufficiently 

18  Cf.  advertisement  in  Pa.  Gazette,  May  19,  1748:  .  .  .  "And  as  got  a 
pass  as  a  free  Negroe."    This  was  probably  based  on  the  old  provision 
which  required  servants  and   strangers   when  travelling  to  be  provided 
with  a  pass.    Laws  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  1682-1700,  p.  211 
(1693). 

19  See  below,  p.  182,  note  47. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF   THE  FREE  NEGRO       115 

protect  him.  From  kidnapping  he  could  be  guarded 
only  by  special  laws. 

In  Pennsylvania  the  history  of  kidnapping  falls  into 
three  periods :  the  years  prior  to  1820,  when  owing  to 
inadequate  penalties  it  was  largely  unchecked ;  from 
1820  to  1847,  during  which  time  stringent  laws  were 
gradually  bringing  it  to  an  end ;  and  the  period  after 
1847,  when  the  growth  of  popular  indignation  made  the 
crime  too  dangerous  to  carry  on.  During  all  this  time 
the  practice  was  abhorred,  and  efforts  to  suppress  it 
were  continually  being  made  not  only  by  the  Friends 
and  the  abolitionists,  but  by  the  great  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  commonwealth.  There  was  rarely  any 
lack  of  sympathy  for  the  negro  victim  even  when  he  was 
otherwise  an  object  of  detestation. 

The  stealing  of  free  negroes  seems  to  have  occurred 
from  time  to  time  in  colonial  days;20  but  after  1780, 
when  so  many  of  the  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  were 
free,  the  crime  became  much  more  frequent,  and  soon 
aroused  strong  feeling.21  In  1789  President  Mifflin 
mentioned  a  young  negro  lured  away  and  sold  into 
Louisiana.23  Two  years  later,  when  governor,  he  spoke 
of  several  miscreants  who  had  been  indicted  for  the 
crime  in  Washington  County.28  In  1799  seventy-four 

30  Cf.  "Petition  of  Negro  Harry,"  MS.  Misc.  Papers,  Aug.  18,  1777. 
Cf.  letter  to  the  clergyman  in  Pa.  Packet,  Jan.  i.  1780. 

21  The  Federal  Gazette,  Sept.  7,  1789,  speaking  of  some  kidnappers 
who  had  been  operating  in  Delaware  says:  "  Such  nefarious  wretches 
deserve  to  be  extirpated,  as  there  is  no  creature  on  the  face  of  the  earth 
with  whom  they  can  with  propriety  be  ranked."  Cf.  also  memorial  to 
the  governor  of  the  state:  "  The  Memst8  humbly  apprehend  that  a  Crime 
of  deeper  dye  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Criminal  Code  of  this  State  than 
that  of  taking  a  Freeman  and  carrying  off  with  Intent  to  sell  him  and 
actually  selling  him  as  a  Slave  in  Gross."  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  Ill, 
49  d79i). 

23  i  Pa.  Arch.,  XI,  567. 

23  4  Pa.  Arch.,  IV,  179-181;  /.  of  S.,  1790-1791,  p.  274. 


ii6  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

free  negroes  of  Philadelphia  protested  against  the  Fed 
eral  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1793,  declaring  that  it  gave 
opportunities  for  kidnapping.24  In  1801  a  particularly 
daring  attempt  occurred  at  West  Nottingham  near  the 
Maryland  line,23  while  several  negroes  were  actually 
carried  away  from  Philadelphia  about  the  same  time.26 
During  the  years  following  the  attention  of  the 
public  was  drawn  to  this  practice  more  and  more.  Kid 
nappers,  supposedly  from  the  South,  hovered  around 
the  mouth  of  the  Delaware.27  Sometimes  the  negro  was 
lured  away  by  the  basest  treachery ;  at  times  he  was  de 
coyed  by  some  traitor  of  his  own  color;28  occasionally 
he  was  attacked  with  shocking  brutality  in  the  streets  of 
Philadelphia  itself.29  The  matter  was  taken  up  by  the 
Abolition  Society  in  its  reports  for  various  years.  In 
1812  its  members  petitioned  the  Legislature  for  a  more 
stringent  law ;  but  in  1816  they  were  forced  to  com 
plain  that  nothing  had  been  done.80  Very  occasionally 
some  of  the  worst  offenders  were  tried  and  punished.81 

24  J.  Parrish,  Remarks  on  the  Slavery  of  the  Black  People,  49-51. 

25  Pa.  Gazette,  Nov.  25,  1801. 

28  Reflections  on  Slavery  .  .  .  by  Humanitas,  23-32. 

27  Sutcliff,  Travels  in  Some  Parts  of  North  America  in  the  Years  1804, 
1805,  and  1806,  p.  257. 

25  One  man  courted  and  married  mulatto  women,  and  then  sold  them 
as  slaves.  Torrey,  Portraiture  of  Domestic  Slavery  in  the  United  States, 
52>  56,  57.  Phila.  Gazette,  Sept.  23,  1819,  for  the  case  of  a  negro  decoy 
in  Philadelphia.  Ibid.,  June  24,  1825,  for  riot  caused  by  two  negro 
decoys  at  York.  One  of  them  was  dreadfully  beaten  by  the  mob  of  in 
furiated  blacks.  Cf.  Greensburg  Gazette,  July  i,  1825.  Also  MS.  Diary 
of  Joel  Swayne,  Mar.  16,  1824. 

29  Phila.  Gazette,  July  25,   1818. 

30  MS.   Rec.   Pa.    Soc.   Abol.    SI.,   VI,    13,    17,   21;   Report  of  Pa.   Soc. 
Abol.  SI.  in  Minutes  Fourteenth  Conv.  Abol.  SI.,  Phila.,  1816,  pp.  6,  7; 
J.  of  S.,  1811-1812,  p.   109. 

31  In  1818  a  certain  William  Young  of  Philadelphia  was  sentenced  to 
pay  three  hundred  pounds  and  serve  three  years  in  prison.     He  had  lured 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  FREE  NEGRO   117 

The  basis  of  the  law  against  kidnapping  was  the  act 
of  1788,  which  imposed  imprisonment  and  a  fine  of  one 
hundred  pounds.82  The  futility  of  this  punishment  was 
soon  recognized,  and  owing  to  repeated  outrages  the 
Legislature  considered  a  new  law  on  several  occasions.3* 
Nothing  was  done,  however,  until  at  last  the  urgent 
messages  of  Governor  Findlay  and  the  strength  of  pub 
lic  sentiment  caused  a  bill  to  be  passed  in  1820"  This 
was  entitled  "An  Act  to  Prevent  Kidnapping".  It  rig 
idly  defined  the  crime  as  the  selling  or  stealing  of  a  free 
negro  or  mulatto,  or  assisting  in  the  same.  It  then  pro 
vided  as  penalty  a  fine  of  not  less  than  five  hundred  nor 
more  than  two  thousand  dollars,  one-half  of  which  was 
to  go  to  the  prosecutor,  and  imprisonment  at  hard  labor 
for  not  less  than  seven  nor  more  than  twenty-one  years. 
Under  heavy  penalties  it  forbade  aldermen  and  justices 
of  the  peace  to  try  cases  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  it  pro 
vided  that  when  a  fugitive  was  remanded  under  the 
United  States  law  of  1793,  the  judge  should  file  a  de 
scription  and  report  with  the  clerk  of  Quarter 
Sessions.35 

The  severity  of  these  provisions,  which  no  doubt  did 
check  the  practice,  would  seem  to  have  left  nothing  to 

three  negroes  to  Delaware.  They  were  never  heard  of  again.  Phila. 
Gazette,  Oct.  2,  1818.  In  1819  a  tin  peddler  was  caught  at  Easton  with 
two  negro  children.  The  enraged  villagers  cut  off  one  of  his  ears.  Niles's 
Register,  XV,  384. 

32  Dallas,  Laws  of  Pennsylvania,  II,  589. 

33  7.  of  H.,  1803-1804,  pp.  376,  567,  592,  5935  /.  of  H.,  1805-1806,  p.  142; 
J.  of  H.,  1806-1807,  pp.  26,    31,  264;  J.  of  S.,  1811-1812,  pp.  109,  1 86,  214; 
7.  of  S.,  1817-1818,  pp.  363,  370,  371,  406,  410,  442,  443;  4  Pa.  Arch.,  V, 
105,  159. 

34  7.    of  H.,  1818-1819,  pp.  238,   354J  /.  of  S.,  1818-1819,  PP.    148,    158; 
7.  of  H.,  1819-1820,  pp.  232,  254,  402,  719;  also  i2i,  175,  233,  302,  323. 
381,  430,  983,  987,  1069,  1081,  1088. 

80  Acts  of  Assembly,  1820,  pp.   104-106. 


ii8  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

be  desired ;  yet  cases  continued  to  be  reported ;  and 
various  attempts  were  made  to  obtain  a  stricter  law.38 
Nevertheless  the  act  of  1820  remained  substantially 
unmodified.  In  1826,  when  Pennsylvania  in  compliance 
with  the  wishes  of  Maryland  undertook  to  facilitate  the 
capture  of  fugitive  slaves,37  the  penalties  upon  kidnap 
ping  were  renewed  unchanged  j38  and  so  they  remained 
until  1847,  when  the  suit  of  Prigg  v.  Pennsylvania  made 
new  legislation  necessary,  and  the  punishment  was 
made  somewhat  heavier.39 

After  this  time  the  sentiment  of  the  state  was 
thoroughly  aroused,  and  the  law  was  rigorously  en 
forced.  Cases  of  kidnapping  did  occur  still,  but  in 
number  they  were  relatively  few.40  In  1850  an  attack 
was  made  upon  the  constitutionality  of  Pennsylvania's 
legislation  on  this  subject,  since,  it  was  alleged,  the 
enactments  interfered  with  the  Federal  laws  concerning 
fugitive  slaves.  This  attack  failed,  and  it  was  held 

36  Phila.  Gazette,  May  22,   1822;  July  2,   1823;  Feb.  8,  May  3,    1828; 
African  Observer,  sth  mo.,   1827.     In  1827  a  certain  Purnell  at  Philadel 
phia  was  fined   four  thousand   dollars  and  sentenced  to   forty-two  years 
in  the  penitentiary  (two  offenses).     Niles's  Reg.,  XXXII,  279.     Cf.  MS. 
Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  X,  91,  173,  175;  Rep.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  in  Min. 
Twentieth   Sess.    Con.    Abol.   SI.,   Balto.,    1827;  Pa.   Freeman,   Mar.    21, 
May  9,  1844;  Adams  Sentinel,  Aug.  n,  1845;  J.  of  S.,  1822-1823,  p.  525; 
J.  of  S.,  1829-1830,  p.  340;  /.  of  S.,  1831-1832,  p.   in;  /.  of  S.,  1842-1843, 
p.  307;  J.  of  H.,  1843,  pp.  263,  286. 

37  See  below,  p.  233. 

38  Acts  of  Assembly,  1825-1826,  pp.   150-155. 

39  The  fine  remained  as  before,  but  the  imprisonment  was  made  solitary 
confinement  at  hard  labor  for  from  five  to  twelve  years  for  the  first  offense, 
and  twenty-one  years  for  the  second.     Laws  of  Pa.,  1847,  pp.  206-207. 

40  Public  Ledger,  Mar.  24,   1851;  Laws  of  Pa.,  1852,  pp.  631,  632,  637; 
(Harrisburg)    Whig  State  Journal,  Feb.   5,  July  29,   1852;  Evening  Bul 
letin,  Aug.   i,  1853;   (Harrisburg)  Daily  Patriot,  Dec.   16,   1859.     On  kid 
napping  in  connection  with  the  fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850  see  below,  p. 
242. 


LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  FREE  NEGRO       119 

that  even  though  slavery  was  a  subject  for  national 
regulation,  yet  Pennsylvania  in  protecting  her  popula 
tion  of  free  negroes  had  full  right  to  take  necessary 
measures.41  Within  her  bounds,  then,  the  state  by 
vigorous  action  had  succeeded  in  bringing  the  nefarious 
practice  almost  to  an  end. 

Such  was  the  legal  position  of  the  free  negro  after 
1780.  In  most  matters  equality  had  been  given  him. 
Henceforth  the  chief  obstacles  to  his  well-being  were 
poverty,  ignorance,  and  oppression.  But  lately  a  slave, 
and  now  in  many  instances  starting  at  the  very  bottom 
of  the  industrial  scale,  he  was  as  yet  little  fitted  to  en 
dure  competition  with  the  white  man,  even  when  that 
competition  was  not  hostile.  Owing  to  what  was  in 
some  respects  a  very  dependent  and  helpless  situation, 
he  was  particularly  liable  to  that  oppression  which  re 
sults  even  under  just  laws  when  one  portion  of  the 
community  takes  advantage,  because  it  can  take  ad 
vantage,  of  the  other.  Even  without  this  disadvantage 
because  of  his  lowly  economic  condition  he  would  have 
found  it  very  difficult  to  share  in  the  better  part  of  the 
civilization  by  which  he  was  surrounded ;  but  in  addi 
tion  there  was  soon  to  make  its  appearance  an  ominous 
prejudice,  which  had  not  been  apparent  during  slavery 
days.  This  was  destined  to  grow  in  increasing  volume 
thenceforward,  and  because  of  it  he  was  to  find  that 
without  the  assistance  of  zealous  friends  it  would  be 
impossible  for  him  to  enforce  his  legal  rights  or  pro 
cure  betterment  for  his  children  or  himself.  Yet 

41  Commonwealth  v.  Auld,  (Court  Quarter  Sessions,  Cumberland  Co.). 
4  Pa.  Law  Journal  Rep.  (43i)-(436). 


120  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

though  his  lot  in  the  future  might  be  a  hard  one,  the 
most  insuperable  obstacles  were  now  removed  from  his 
advancement.  He  was  no  longer  legally  an  alien.  At 
last  he  was  living  under  the  common  laws  of  the  state. 
For  the  first  time  in  any  real  sense  he  was  a  member  of 
the  commonwealth. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS. 

IT  is  probable  that  no  body  of  free  negroes  ever  be 
gan  their  economic  rise  with  more  assistance  and  better 
wishes  than  the  negroes  of  Pennsylvania.  During  the 
colonial  period  there  was  nothing  to  embitter  the  rela 
tions  of  the  races ;  the  general  attitude  toward  negroes 
was  a  kindly  one ;  and  assistance  was  readily  given 
them.  The  great  movement  among  the  Quakers  which 
resulted  in  the  manumission  of  all  their  slaves  had 
largely  a  religious  character,  so  that  the  Friends  felt 
bound  to  assist  the  new  freedmen  as  a  matter  of  course. 
Moreover  in  Pennsylvania  the  oldest,  the  ablest,  and 
the  most  intelligent  of  all  the  abolition  societies  contin 
ually  gave  the  negro  wise  and  efficient  aid.  If  the  state 
could  have  dealt  only  with  its  native  black  people  per 
haps  most  of  them  would  have  obtained  material  well- 
being  in  a  generation  after  becoming  free. 

In  colonial  days  negroes  were  not  only  set  free,  but 
were  frequently  provided  for.  An  excellent  example 
is  the  provision  made  by  Judge  Langhorne  in  1742. 
According  to  his  will,  which  gave  liberty  to  all  of  his 
slaves,  the  older  ones  were  to  stay  on  the  premises ;  to 
six  of  the  others  he  gave  land  to  hold  free  or  on  lease, 
and  in  addition  horses,  cows,  sheep,  agricultural  instru 
ments,  and  household  goods ;  while  each  of  the  younger 
negroes  was  to  receive  ten  pounds  when  twenty-four 

121 


122  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

years  of  age.1  The  local  histories  contain  many  other 
instances  like  this. 

From  the  first  the  Friends  recognized  their  obligation 
to  give  assistance.  In  1758  the  Yearly  Meeting  de 
clared  that  Christian  provision  should  be  made  for 
manumitted  slaves,  and  such  was  generally  made.2 
Many  of  the  Friends  believed,  moreover,  that  it  was 
not  sufficient  to  set  slaves  free,  or  even  to  endow  their 
liberty  with  gifts ;  but  that,  since  the  negro  had  been 
wronged  by  being  kept  in  any  slavery  at  all,  it  was  the 
duty  of  Christian  masters  to  make  payment  now  for  the 
service  which  had  been  wrongfully  exacted.8  In  1779 
the  Meeting  recommended  that  freedmen  be  compen 
sated  for  their  labor  done  while  slaves.4  This  principle 
was  adopted  during  the  next  two  years,  committees 
being  appointed  to  visit  the  former  masters  and  to  give 
the  freed  negroes  help.5 

The  work  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  the  Aboli 
tion  of  Slavery  must  be  described  in  another  place. 
Here  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  abolitionists  together 
with  the  Friends  made  every  effort  to  better  the  condi 
tion  of  former  slaves.  Schools  were  organized,  re 
ligious  instruction  was  furnished,  and  all  sorts  of  en 
deavors  were  made  to  get  the  negroes  started  in  life. 
After  1797  the  Society  had  regular  committees  to  im 
prove  the  morals  and  the  education  of  negroes,  to  find 

1  Pa.   Mag.,  VII,   79,   80,   82;   Buck,   History  of  Bucks   Co.,    (author's 
scrap-book),  MS.  note  to  chap.  XII. 

2  Sharpless,  A   Quaker  Experiment,  32;   Futhey  and  Cope,  History  of 
Chester  Co.,  423. 

3  Cf.  story  told  by  Woolman,  Journal,  in  Friends'  Library,  IV,  375. 

4  An  Address  to  Friends  and  Friendly  People,  etc.   (1848),  21. 

5  Brief  Statement  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Testimony  of  the 
Religious  Society   of  Friends,   51. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  123 

them   employment,   and   to  apprentice  their   children 
where  they  could  learn  some  useful  trade.6 

Under  these  favorable  conditions  the  negro  made  ex 
cellent  progress.  The  first  freedmen  remained  largely 
in  the  service  of  their  former  masters.7  Soon,  however, 
they  began  hiring  themselves  to  others,  or  working  as 
day  laborers.8  It  was  not  long  before  they  began  to 
venture  into  business  for  themselves.9  In  1789  those 
who  kept  small  shops  were  described  as  doing  moder 
ately  well,  though  hindered  by  inability  to  borrow 
money.10  The  travellers  who  came  to  Philadelphia  from 
time  to  time  noticed  a  number  of  lowly  occupations  mo 
nopolized  by  the  free  negroes.  Such  were  the  sawing  of 

6  The  report  of  the  Society  in  1797  mentions  a  "Committee  of  In 
spection  "  to  superintend  the  moral  conduct  of  negroes  and  to  protect 
them;  a  "  Committee  of  Guardianship  "  to  put  out  children  with  suitable 
persons  "  during  a  moderate  term  of  apprenticeship  or  servitude  "  for 
the  purpose  of  learning  some  trade;  a  "Committee  of  Education";  and 
a  "  Committee  of  Employ  "  to  assist  free  negroes  who  were  out  of  work. 
Min.  Third  Conv.  Abol.  Societies,  31-32. 

1  "  Die  freigelassenen  Negern  blieben  seitdem  fast  alle  bei  ihren  vorigen 
Herren,  denen  sie  fur  Lohn  als  freie  besser  dienten,  als  zuvor,  da  sie 
noch  in  der  Knechtschaft,  so  mild  diese  auch  war,  gehalten  wurden." 
Ebeling,  IV,  220.  "  In  Pennsylvania,  the  Quakers  have  freed  their 
slaves.  Those  who  have  been  manumitted  have  taken  mostly  to  field 
labour.  They  make  good  labourers,  and  live  reputably  and  well.  Many 
of  them  are  much  attached  to  their  old  masters.  Some,  who  had  given 
all  their  slaves  their  liberty,  and  now  employ  them  at  day  wages,  find 
their  farms  answer  better  and  more  profitably  than  before.  They  are 
employed  in  the  culture  of  corn,  maize,  tobacco,  and  every  species  of 
husbandry."  A  letter  from  Capt.  J.  S.  Smith  .  .  .  on  Free  Negroes 
(1786),  39. 

8  MS.  John  Wilson's  Cash  Book,  June  30,  1768;  Mar.  4,  May  18,  1776; 
Pa.  Packet,  June  30,  1790;  Phila.  Gazette,  July  8,  1807;  July  18,  1808; 
Sept.  5,  1809. 

•MS.  John  Wilson's  Cash  Book,  Mar.  26,  1774;  Feb.  6,  1775. 

10  Brissot  de  Warville,  Memoir e,  28,  29.  In  1806  some  are  mentioned 
who  "  halten  kleine  Laden,"  though  the  author  is  referring  generally  to 
the  Middle  States.  Nachrichten  .  .  .  von  einem  Rheinldnder,  17.  As  early 
as  1771  license  to  keep  a  public  house  was  denied  to  "  Sarah  Noblitt 
(husband  negro  .  .  .  )."  Pa.  Mag.,  XXII,  127. 


i24  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

fire- wood  and  the  carrying  of  baggage.11  In  1800  a  re 
port  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  declared 
that  the  free  blacks  of  Philadelphia  were  employed  in 
various  ways,  some  being  mechanics  and  a  still  larger 
number  seamen."  It  is  true  that  both  immediately  after 
1780  and  also  throughout  the  years  following  the  large 
majority  found  employment  either  as  house-servants 
or  in  menial  labor,  for  to  such  work  they  had  been  ac 
customed  previously  ;18  nevertheless  the  few  who  began 
to  seek  work  of  a  higher  grade  increased  after  a  while 
to  a  large  number  who  engaged  in  a  variety  of  occupa 
tions,  either  independently  or  hiring  themselves  to 

11  "  For  half  a  dollar  a  chord."     Wansey,  Journal  of  an  Excursion  to 
the    United   States  of  North   America  in   the  Summer  of  1794,  p.    164. 
"  When  our  boat  arrived  "   (Phila.)    "  we  were  inundated  with  porters, 
the  greater  part  of  whom  were  blacks,  .  .  .  they  had  tin  plates  on  their  hats 
or  breasts,  upon  which  were  written  their  names  and  residences."    Fearon, 
Narrative  of  a  Journey  .  .  .  through  the  Eastern  and  Western  States  of 
America  (1817),   134,   135.   See  also  W.  T.  Harris,  Remarks  (1817),  30; 
America  and  the  Americans,  by  a  Citizen  of  the  World  (1830),  220. 

12  Mm.  Sixth  Conv.  Abol.  Socs.,  Phila.,  1800,  p.   6. 

13  Twining,    Travels   in   America   100    Years   ago,    33,    34,    36    (1795); 
Michaux,  Travels  to  the  Westward  of  the  Allegany  Mountains,  26  (1802); 
Views  of  Society  and  Manners  in  America  .  .  .  By  an  Englishwoman,  340 
(1820).     Clara  v.  Gerstner,  speaking  of  the  independent  spirit  of  servants 
in  Philadelphia,  says:   "  die  Neger  dagegen  zeigen  mehr  Gehorsam  und 
Ergebenheit  .  .  .  und  werden  daher  von  Vielen  den  Weiszen  als  Diener 
vorgezogen."     She  says  that  the  wages  of  a  servant  are  three  dollars  a 
week,  of  a  chambermaid  one  dollar  and  a  half,  and  that  they  have  free 
every  other  Sunday  evening  and  also  one  free  evening  a  week.     Beschrei- 
bung   einer   Reise   durch   die    Vereinigten   Staaten   von   Nordamerica  in 
den  Jahren  1838  bis  1840,  pp.  445,  446  (1840).     Very  many  negroes  were 
employed  as  waiters.     "  Alle  Diener  waren  Schwarze.     Auch  die  Musik 
wurde  von  Schwarzen  gemacht;  denn  weisse  Musikanten  spielen  niemals 
offentlich."    Reise  Sr.  Hoheit  Bernhard,  Saxe-Weimar  Eisenach,  I,  223 
(1825).     "All  the  waiters  at  the  hotels  are  black,  and  all  the  chamber 
maids  brown."     Maxwell,    A  Run  through  the  United  States  during  the 
Autumn  of  1840,  II,  168  (1840).     "The  chimney-sweeps  here  are  young 
negro  boys.     As  they  glide  through  the  streets  in  quest  of  employment, 
they  have  a  peculiar  and  melodious  cry,  slightly  resembling  a  Tyrolese 
'  yoddle.'  "     Combe,  Notes  on  the  United  States  of  North  America  dur 
ing  a  Phrenological  Visit  in  1838-9-40,  II,   190   (1839). 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  125 

others.14    Of  these  some  achieved  solid  and  substantial 
success. 

As  far  back  as  1779  a  negro,  John,  figured  on  the 
assessment  list  for  eight  acres  and  one  horse.15  Before 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  colored  people  in 
Philadelphia  owned  nearly  one  hundred  houses."  In 
1806  there  is  mention  of  a  negro  who  was  managing 
with  much  ability  a  farm  at  Merion  near  Philadelphia.17 
Twenty  years  later  a  number  were  prosperous  enough 
to  attract  notice.18  In  1832  James  Forten,  a  sail-maker 
of  Philadelphia,  was  rated  at  over  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  while  the  widow  of  Bishop  Allen  was  supposed 
to  have  twenty-five  thousand.19  Later,  several  negroes 
of  the  same  city  were  considered  rich  and  well  edu 
cated  ?°  and  before  the  Civil  War  the  colored  people  in 

14  In    1838    there    were    negro    bakers,    blacksmiths,    carpenters,    dress 
makers,     hair-dressers,     plasterers,     milliners,     shoe-makers,     tailoresses, 
tanners,  etc.     Some  of  them  were  in  business  for  themselves.     Register 
of  the  Trades  of  the  Colored  People  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  3.     In 
1847  an  exhaustive  investigation  revealed  the  occupations  of  3358  negro 
men  and  4249  negro  women.     Of  the  men  there  were  1581  laborers,  557 
waiters  and  cooks,  286  mechanics,  276  drivers,  240  sea-faring  men,   166 
shop-keepers,   156  hair  dressers,  and  96  of  various  occupations.     Of  the 
women  there  were  1970  washerwomen,  786  day  workers,  486  seamstresses, 
290  occupied  at  home,  213  at  trades,    173  cooks,   156  living  in  families, 
103  raggers  and  boners,  72  unclassified.     A  Statistical  Inquiry  into  the 
Condition  of  the  People  of  Colour  of  the  City  and  Districts  of  Phila 
delphia,  17,  1 8. 

15  Lancaster  Co.  3  Pa.  Arch.,  XVII,  525.     Other  instances  occur.     Cf. 
MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  67. 

"  Average  value,  $200.  Min.  Proceedings  Third  Conv.  Abol.  Socs., 
Philo.,  1796,  p.  21. 

"  Sutcliff,    Travels,    223. 

u "  In  New  York  and  Philadelphia  there  are  many  shrewd,  sensible 
blacks.  Some  have  amassed  fortunes;  and  several  conduct  their  business 
with  considerable  ability  and  integrity."  I.  Holmes,  An  Account  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  Derived  from  Actual  Observation,  during 
a  Residence  of  Four  Years  (1823),  334. 

19  R.  Purvis,  Remarks  on  the  Life  and  Character  of  James  Forten ; 
Garrison,  Thoughts  on  African  Colonisation,  129  (note). 

»  Combe,  Notes  II,  63  (1839). 


126  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Pennsylvania  reputed  well-to-do  made  a  fairly  long 
list.21 

Their  collective  prosperity  though  less  striking 
merits  notice.  In  1832  negroes  claimed  to  be  paying 
annually  $2,500  taxes,  and  $100,000  rent.22  Five  years 
later  they  were  believed  to  own  real  estate  and  property 
worth  more  than  $i,ooo,ooo.2S  Some  of  their  houses 
were  well  furnished,  the  parlors  being  described  as  hav 
ing  carpets,  sofas,  sideboards,  card-tables,  mirrors,  and 
in  some  cases  pianos.24  In  1847  negroes  were  paying 
over  $6,000  taxes,  and  their  real  estate  was  valued  at 
$400,000.  At  this  time  there  were  said  to  be  more  than 
three  hundred  negro  freeholders  in  Philadelphia.  They 
constituted  about  eight  per  cent,  of  the  negro  families 
in  the  city.26 

That  the  rise  was  not  more  rapid,  and  that  the  re 
sulting  prosperity  was  not  more  generally  diffused,  was 
owing  to  two  causes.  It  will  be  shown  that  after  1800 
the  whole  problem  of  the  negro's  existence  in  Pennsyl- 

21  Among  many   others,   Joseph    Cassey,   money-broker,    Phila.,   $75,000; 
Stephen    Smith,    lumber    merchant,    Columbia,    said   to   be   the   wealthiest 
negro  in  the  United  States;  his  partner,  W.  Whipper,  Phila.;  W.  Riley, 
gentlemen's  boot-maker;   James   Prosser,   owner  of  a  restaurant,  Phila.; 
Henry   Minton,   proprietor   of   a    fashionable    restaurant,    Phila.;    Henry 
Collins,  dealer  in  real  estate,  Pittsburg;  Owen  Barrett,  manufacturer  of 
patent  medicines,  Pittsburg.    Delany,  Condition  .  .  .  of  the  Colored  People 
of  the  United  States,  94-105.     For  the  case  of  a  negro  who  from  slavery 
worked  his  way  up  to  the  ownership  of  a  farm  of  145  acres,  see  Public 
Ledger,  Aug.  27,   1860.     Sometimes  negro  immigrants  from  other  States 
were  assisted  by  their   former  masters.     Cf.   (Lancaster)    Inland  Daily, 
Dec.  9,  1854,  for  an  instance  of  fifty-three  freedmen  from  Virginia,  whose 
former  master  had  given  them  an  outfit  worth  $15,000. 

22  Memorial  to  the  Legislature.     Hazard's  Register,  IX,  361. 

23  Present  State  of  the  Free  People  of  Colour   (1838),   7. 

84  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes  of  Colored  Society  in  Philadelphia, 
By  a  Southerner  (1841),  56. 

25  Needles,  Ten  Years'  Progress :  or  a  Comparison  of  the  State  and 
Condition  of  the  Colored  People  in  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia 
from  1837  to  1847,  pp.  8,  9;  Statistical  Inquiry,  14. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  127 

vania  was  complicated  by  the  immigration  of  undesired 
alien  negroes,  and  by  the  increase  of  race  prejudice.28 
As  a  result  old  opportunities  were  closed  to  him,  and  his 
chances  instead  of  improving  became  worse.  Accord 
ingly  the  number  of  the  prosperous  was  relatively  small. 
Most  of  the  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  as  elsewhere  re 
mained  in  very  meagre  circumstances.  At  the  bottom 
of  the  scale  there  were  large  numbers  in  squalid  and 
starving  condition.  Next  came  the  majority,  who  either 
lived  upon  a  very  low  standard,  or  felt  the  pinch  of 
continued  poverty.  Next  above  them  came  many  who 
had  such  income  as  could  purchase  moderate  comfort. 
At  the  top  were  a  few  who  were  really  well-to-do,  but 
as  negroes  passed  for  wealthy  men.27  If  it  were  possible 
to  ascertain  the  average  income  for  all  the  negroes  in 
Pennsylvania  at  any  period  between  1830  and  1860  that 
income  would  doubtless  be  seen  to  be  exceedingly  scant. 
Only  a  minority  would  be  found  to  possess  anything 
whatever  in  excess  of  the  actual  cost  of  their  subsist 
ence.  Yet  the  significant  thing  is  that  in  spite  of  all 
obstacles  there  had  begun  to  appear  negroes  who  owned 
their  houses,  paid  taxes,  supported  their  own  schools, 
contributed  to  beneficial  societies,  built  churches,  and 
constituted  not  only  a  negro  population  but  a  negro 
society. 

The  providing  of  schools  for  the  negro  was  owing,  at 
least  in  the  beginning,  to  the  efforts  of  his  zealous  and 

88  See  below,  chapter  IX. 

27 "  They  present  in  a  gradual,  moderate  and  limited  ratio,  almost 
every  grade  of  character,  wealth,  and  ...  of  education.  They  are  to  be 
seen  in  ease,  comfort,  and  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  social  blessings  of  this 
life;  and,  in  contrast  with  this,  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  lowest  depths 
of  human  degradation,  misery,  and  want."  Sketches  of  the  Higher 
Classes  of  Colored  Society,  14,  15. 


128  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

conscientious  friends.  While  it  is  not  to  be  expected 
that  the  education  of  the  negro,  whether  slave  or  free, 
should  have  received  much  attention  in  the  early  years 
of  the  colony,  yet  some  scanty  efforts  can  be  traced.  In 
1722  a  benevolent  person  let  it  be  known  that  without 
pay  he  would  teach  negroes  to  read.28  Others  seem  to 
have  thought  of  this  from  time  to  time.29  In  1740  White- 
field,  then  doing  wonderful  work  in  Pennsylvania,  ac 
quired  land  to  found  for  negroes  a  free  school.  As  yet 
the  time  was  hardly  ripe  for  an  undertaking  on  so  large 
a  scale,  and  Whitefield's  resources  proving  inadequate 
he  was  compelled  to  abandon  it.80  In  1750  a  similar  at 
tempt  was  made  in  a  different  manner,  when  Anthony 
Benezet  conceived  the  idea  of  an  evening  school,  which 
he  opened  and  taught  gratuitously  himself.  In  this 
undertaking  he  obtained  notable  results.81  By  1770 
much  attention  had  been  attracted  ;  the  Quakers  in  many 
places  began  educative  work ;  and  the  Friends'  Monthly 
Meeting  in  Philadelphia  first  appointed  a  committee, 
and  then  established  a  school  in  which  could  be  learned 
the  rudiments  of  education  and  also  the  arts  of  sewing 
and  knitting.82  The  Friends  were  so  pleased  with  the 

28  "  Take  further  Notice,  There  is  lately  arriv'd  in  this  City  a  Person 
who  freely  offers  his  Service  to  teach  his  poor  Brethren  the  Negroes  to 
read  the  Holy  Scriptures,  etc.  .  .  .  without  any  Manner  of  Expence  to 
their   respective   Masters   or   Mistresses  "...   American    Weekly   Mer 
cury,  Feb.  19,  1722. 

29  "  Thy  Teaching  Negroes  to   Read  without   Speaking  to   'em    (as   in 
thy  printed  Proposal)  is  a  wonderful  Faculty  "...    Alluding  to  Samuel 
Keimer's  Compleat  Ephemeris.     Mercury,  Jan.   25,    1725-1726. 

30  Pa.  Gazette,  Nov.  27,   1740;   Seward,  Journal,  2,   10,  20,  52,  74,  80, 
81;  Cranz,  History  of  the  Brethren,  258,  259;  Heckewelder,  Narrative,  18. 

81  Vaux,  Memoirs  of  Beneset,  20,  21. 

82  MS.  Darby  Women's  M.  M.  M.,  2  I2th  mo.,  1775;  MS.  Rec.  War- 
rington  Q.  M.,   7   (1787);  42   (1789);   133   (1795);  also  80,   191,  204;  A 
Brief  Sketch  of  the  Schools  for  Black  People  and   Their  Descendants 
Established  by  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends  in  1770,  pp.  4-7;  History 
of  the  Association  of  Friends  for  the  Free  Instruction  of  Adult  Colored 
Persons  in  Philadelphia,  3. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  129 

progress  made  that  in  the  following  year  an  additional 
school  was  opened.83 

After  a  while  the  interest  of  the  negroes  seems  to 
have  flagged ;  and  during  the  Revolution  the  work  of 
education  was  near  to  being  abandoned.  During  this 
period  the  scheme  was  probably  saved  because  of  the 
fact  that  Anthony  Benezet  took  charge  of  it,  and  taught 
the  pupils  in  his  own  house.84  After  this  time  the  work 
went  on  prosperously.  Donations  were  received,  and 
interest  increased.35  In  1789  was  founded  the  Society 
for  "the  free  instruction  of  orderly  Blacks  and  People 
of  Color",36  which  undertook  to  do  for  adults  what  the 
earlier  schools  were  doing  for  children.  Much  was  ac 
complished  by  holding  sessions  at  night.87  Three  years 
after  this,  women  Friends  formed  a  society  for  the  edu 
cation  of  negro  women,  and  opened  a  school  for  them 
five  evenings  a  week.88  In  1797  there  were  in  Philadel 
phia  seven  schools  for  the  education  of  negroes,  and  two 
others  were  about  to  be  opened.  The  usual  attendance 
was  nearly  three  hundred,  of  both  sexes.89  Two  years 
later  mention  is  made  of  another  school  connected  with 
one  of  the  negro  congregations,  and  taught  by  the  min 
ister.40  Shortly  before  1805  the  negroes  of  the  city 

38  Brief  Sketch,  g,  10.     Cf.  Davies,  Some  Account  of  the  City  of  Phila 
delphia   (1794),  65. 

84  Brief  Sketch,  12,  13,  15.  At  his  death  in  1784  Benezet  left  part  of 
his  estate  to  the  forwarding  of  this  work.  Ibid.,  16,  17;  Ebeling,  IV,  219; 
Morse,  The  American  Geography,  438. 

36  Brief  Sketch,  20. 

M  History  of  the  Association  of  Friends  for  the  Free  Instruction  of 
Adult  Colored  Persons,  3. 

37  In  1792  the  night  school  had  fifty  members.     Ibid.,  6. 
s*  Ibid.,  10. 

39  Mm.  Proceedings  Fourth  Conv.  Abol.  Socs.,  Phila.,  1797,  P-  4*- 

40  Ogden,  An  Excursion  into  Bethlehem  and  Nazareth,  90.     For  an  ac 
count  of  the  work  of  Absalom  Jones  at  this  school,  and  for  lists  of  the 
children  taught,  see  MS.  Rec.   Pa.   Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  V,  175,  177,   179. 


130  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

themselves  established  two  schools,  one  under  the  au 
spices  of  the  African  Episcopalians,  the  other  under  the 
direction  of  a  non-sectarian  association  which  they 
founded.41 

To  appreciate  the  significance  of  this  work  it  must  be 
remembered  that  most  of  it  was  done  before  Pennsylva 
nia  had  made  any  provision  for  the  education  of  poor 
children,  and  that  white  children  as  well  as  black  were 
being  taught  in  private  schools.  State  assistance  dates 
from  about  1802,  when  an  act  was  passed  for  free  in 
struction.  This  was  supplemented  in  1804  and  again  in 
iScx).42  These  laws  entitled  to  education  all  the  poor 
children  of  the  commonwealth.  At  first,  however,  they 
availed  negroes  but  little,  for  one  of  the  results  of  the 
increasing  prejudice  towards  black  people  was  that  the 
officials  having  charge  of  Pennsylvania's  educational 
work  seem  to  have  ignored  them  entirely.  Moreover 
it  is  not  probable  that  the  white  people  of  the  state 
had  for  a  moment  contemplated  the  admission  of  negro 
children  into  schools  for  their  own  children  ;43  hence  only 
by  the  granting  of  separate  buildings  could  negroes 
benefit  by  the  law.  Such  buildings  were  not  provided, 
and  for  some  years  negro  education  was  carried  on  as 
before  by  individual  effort  and  private  philanthropy.4* 
At  last  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  took  up  the 

41  Rep.  of  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Min.  Tenth  American  Conv.  Abol.  SI., 
Phila.,  1805,  p.  13. 

42  "  An  Act  to   Provide  for  the   Education  of  Poor  Children   gratis," 
Acts  of  Assembly,  1802,  p.   76;   "An  Act  to  Provide  for  the  more  Ef 
fectual  Education  of  the  Children  of  the  Poor  gratis,"  id.,  1804,  p.  298; 
"  An  Act  to  Provide  for  the  Education  of  the  Poor  gratis,"  id.,  1809,  p. 
193- 

43  I  have  found  no  evidence  of  such  mixed  schools  up  to  1861. 

**  Cf.  Rep.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Min.  Fourteenth  American  Conv., 
Phila.,  1816,  pp.  8,  9. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  131 

matter  actively.  A  conference  was  arranged  between 
their  committee  and  the  controllers,  and  as  a  result  in 
1820  the  Society  provided  a  building  and  the  state  un 
dertook  to  supply  the  instruction.45  This  was  the  first 
school  established  by  the  government  of  Pennsylvania 
for  negro  children.46 

Such  a  school  seemed  to  augur  well.  It  was  found, 
however,  very  difficult  to  get  additional  buildings,  and 
the  facilities  soon  proved  to  be  inadequate.47  Further 
more  the  increasing  hostility  towards  the  negro  not  only 
made  it  difficult  for  him  to  get  new  schools,  but  made 
it  sometimes  seem  likely  that  those  already  furnished 
would  be  withdrawn.  In  the  constitutional  convention 
of  1837-1838  there  were  some  who  could  see  no  use 
whatever  in  educating  the  negro,48  and  at  times  the 
authorities  proved  very  willing  to  take  an  unfavorable 
view  of  the  situation.  In  1842  when  the  attendance  of 
the  colored  grammar  schools  dwindled,  those  schools 
were  on  the  point  of  being  closed,  and  were  saved  only 
by  the  prompt  action  of  the  negroes,  who  held  meetings 
and  increased  the  attendance.49  Accordingly  it  was  per 
haps  fortunate  that  the  older  private  schools  of  the 
Friends  were  kept  open.  Indeed  the  Friends  continued 
along  with  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  to  make 
additional  provision  even  after  the  state  began  its 

45  This  because  when  the  officials  finally  expressed  willingness  to  help, 
they  declared  they  had  no  suitable  building.     MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI., 
VIII,    29. 

46  Needles,  Memoir,  69,  70.     This  was  the  Mary  Street  School,  which 
was  opened  about   1822.     See  Address  to  People  of  Colour  .  .  .  Bethel 
Church,  1825,  pp.  3,  4.     The  Hist.  Asso.  Friends  Free  Instruction  Adult 
Col.  Per.,  8,  gives  the  date  as  1819.    This  is  a  slight  error. 

47  Cf.  Hazard's  Register,  III,  365. 

48  Cf.  speech  of  Mr.  Martin,  in  Pro.  and  Deb.  of  Conv.,  Ill,  83. 
4a  Bacon,  Statistics  of  the  Colored  People  of  Philadelphia,  5. 


132  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

work.60  In  1832  they  founded  a  pay  school  to  instruct 
colored  youths  in  such  higher  branches  as  would  en 
able  them  to  become  teachers  themselves.51 

By  this  time  a  small  coterie  of  educated  negroes  had 
begun  founding  libraries,  schools,  and  debating  socie 
ties  of  their  own.62  About  1840  an  anonymous  writer, 
who  appears  to  have  made  an  exhaustive  investigation 
of  the  conditions  surrounding  the  negroes  of  Philadel 
phia,  mentioned  the  excellent  schools,  three  or  four  in 
number,  conducted  by  negro  teachers,  and  said  that  the 
older  negroes,  feeling  as  they  did  in  many  instances 
their  own  lack  of  education,  spared  no  pains  to  secure 
good  teaching  for  their  children.83  A  short  time  before 
this  in  a  memorial  to  the  Legislature  the  negroes  de 
clared  that  while  they  were  thankful  for  public  schools, 
yet  such  of  them  as  could  do  so  educated  their  children 
at  their  private  expense." 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  all  of  these  schools 
did  good  work.  A  great  number  of  negroes  learned  to 
read  and  write,  and  some  of  them  acquired  a  good  edu 
cation  ;B5  but  on  the  whole  the  results  were  discouraging. 

80  In  1832  the  Association  of  Friends  for  the  Free  Instruction  of  Adult 
Colored  Persons  was  founded.  Immediately  it  opened  a  school  in  which 
were  taught  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  Five  years  later  another 
school  was  added.  History  of  the  Association,  etc.,  18,  19. 

51  Rep.  in  Min.  Twenty-second  Sess.  Amer.  Conv.,  Phila.,  1839,  P-  8. 

52  In    1832  some   negroes   of  Pittsburg  founded  the  Pittsburg  African 
Education  Society.    Placard's  Reg.,  IX,  115,  116.    In  1833  was  established 
the  Philadelphia  Library  Company  of  Colored  Persons,  and  in   1836  the 
Rush  Library  Company  and  Debating  Society.     Sketches  of  the  Higher 
Classes,   96-100.     About  this  time  they  had  a  newspaper  of  their  own, 
one  of  the  editors  being  a  negro.    It  was  entitled  The  Coloured  American. 
Combe,  Notes  on  the  United  States,  II,  190. 

33  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes,  17,  18,  25,  26,  94. 
'^Hazard's  Reg.,  IX,  362  (1832). 

K  Cf.  MS.  Rec.  and  Reports  of  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  for  the  comprehensive 
work  done.  See  also  Bibliography,  pp.  262,  263,  below. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  133 

There  was  scantiness  and  irregularity  of  attendance  at 
the  schools  both  public  and  private  from  the  first,  except 
when  the  facilities  afforded  by  these  schools  were  in 
adequate  for  the  total  number  of  possible  pupils.  In 
1847  it  was  asserted  that  in  Philadelphia  considerably 
less  than  half  of  the  negro  children  between  the  ages 
of  five  and  twenty  attended  any  school.38  This  was  to 
be  expected,  since  many  of  the  parents,  at  the  bottom  of 
the  industrial  scale  and  often  living  a  semi-vagrant  life, 
found  it  difficult  to  support  themselves,  not  to  speak 
of  maintaining  children."  Even  the  attendance  at  the 
night  schools,  which  were  intended  to  help  those  em 
ployed  during  the  day,  was  often  lowered  because  of  the 
danger  which  at  times  beset  any  negro  who  ventured 
at  a  distance  from  his  home  after  dark.58  On  the  whole 
the  period  prior  to  1861  was  characterized  by  lack  of 
appreciation  and  by  moderate  results.  It  was  also 
marked  by  public  indifference  and  coldness  on  the  part 
of  the  authorities,  although  it  must  be  remembered  that 
at  the  time  the  expenditure  made  by  the  state  upon 
colored  schools  was  much  in  excess  of  the  proportion 
justified  by  that  share  of  the  taxes  which  negroes  paid  ; 
and  that  this  was  at  a  time  when  negroes  had  made 
themselves  intensely  disliked  by  a  large  part  of  the  com 
munity.  That  successful  results  were  achieved  was  due 
almost  entirely  to  the  quiet  and  persistent  labor  of  the 
abolitionists  and  the  Quakers.  Before  1820  the  under 
taking  was  entirely  in  their  hands.  Thereafter  most  of 

56  Statistical  Inquiry,   19,  22. 

57  "  There  are  many  free  negro-schools  in  some  of  the  cities;  but  there 
is  a  degree  of  poverty,  which  obliges  the  parents  to  avail  themselves  of 
the  work  of  their  children,  instead  of  sending  them  to  school."     Grund, 
The  Americans  in   Their  Moral,  Social,  and  Political  Relations,   (1837), 
II,  321   (note), 

58  Cf.  Hist.  Asso.  Friends  Free  Instruction  Adult  Colored  Persons,  24. 


134  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

the  encouragement  came  from  them,  while  they  con 
tinued  to  do  a  large  part  of  the  actual  work. 

Next  to  the  getting  of  schools  it  is  probable  that 
nothing  contributed  more  to  the  uplifting  of  the  negroes 
of  Pennsylvania  than  the  establishment  of  a  church  of 
their  own.  From  participation  in  matters  of  general 
interest  they  were  debarred  by  economic  inequality,  by 
race  prejudice,  and  by  political  discrimination.  They 
had  no  share  also  in  that  development  which  comes 
from  public  and  social  activity.  Yet  this  development 
could  be  supplied  to  a  certain  extent  by  religious  activ 
ity,  for  church  work  could  afford  them  intercourse 
among  themselves.  Moreover,  they  were  by  nature 
religious  and  emotional.  These  facts  go  far  to  explain 
the  early  foundation  and  rapid  growth  of  the  negro 
church  in  Pennsylvania. 

Far  back  in  slavery  times  negroes  had  been  found 
to  be  peculiarly  susceptible  to  religious  exhortation, 
especially  to  the  preaching  of  itinerant  ministers.59  Dur 
ing  this  time  slaves,  and  toward  the  end  of  the  period 
free  negroes,  were  admitted  into  some  of  the  churches 
of  the  Episcopalians  and  Moravians,  but  as  a  rule  not 
upon  terms  of  complete  membership  or  equality.80  After 
1780  the  gradual  increase  of  prejudice  and  exclusive- 
ness  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  rising  ambition  of  the  free 
negroes  on  the  other,  made  it  desirable  for  them  to  have 

59  See  above,  p.   45.  "  I  believe  near  Fifty  Negroes  came  to  give  me 
Thanks,  under  God,   for  what  has  been  done  to  their   Souls.     Oh  how 
heartily  did  those  poor  Creatures  throw  in  their  Mites  for  my  poor  Or 
phans.  ...  I  have  been  much  drawn  out  in  Prayer  for  them,  and  have  seen 
them  exceedingly  wrought  upon,  under  the  Word  preach'd."     A  Continu 
ation  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Whitefield's  Journal  (1740),  65,  66. 

60  See  above,  p.  44.     About  1763  William  Boen,  a  negro,  was  refused 
admittance  to  the  Society  of  Friends.     He  was  finally  admitted  to  mem 
bership  in  1814.     Memorials  Concerning  Deceased  Friends,  4,  5,  7.     Cf. 
also  MS.  Letter  Book  (Coll.  G.  Cope),  279. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  135 

churches  of  their  own.  Accordingly  in  1791  some  who 
had  previously  attended  white  churches  of  different  de 
nominations  united  to  form  an  "African  Church."" 
They  began  with  no  minister  and  in  a  school-house, 
but  they  were  assisted  with  liberal  contributions,  and 
before  the  end  of  the  century  had  a  sacred  building 
presided  over  by  a  minister  who  was  a  negro."  It  was 
not  long,  however,  before  this  "African  Church"  began 
to  split  up  into  the  various  denominations  out  of  which 
it  had  been  formed.  The  first  result  of  this  was  the 
Colored  Presbyterian  Church,  which  was  established  in 
Philadelphia  about  iSoo.68  In  a  few  years  there  were 
also  established  colored  churches  of  Baptists,  Episco 
palians,  and  Methodists.  It  was  asserted  that  these 
were  the  first  churches  in  the  United  States  to  have 
negro  ministers.64 

In  1816  the  colored  Methodists  of  Philadelphia  took 
part  in  establishing  the  first  general  organization  of 
negro  churches,  when  their  delegates,  together  with 
those  from  Baltimore  and  other  cities  nearby,  estab 
lished  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.65  In 

<"  "  As  they  consist  of  the  scattered  appendages  of  most  of  the  Churches 
in  the  City  they  have  formed  Articles  and  a  Plan  of  Church  Government 
so  general  as  to  embrace  all,  and  yet  so  orthodox  in  cardinal  points  as 
to  offend  none."  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush  .  .  .  to 
Granville  Sharp,  3,  4. 

**Ibid.;  De  la  Rochefoucault  Liancourt,  Travels,  II,  387;  Morse,  The 
American  Gazetteer,  "Philadelphia"  (1797)- 

63  Rev.  Wm.  T.  Catto,  Semi-Centennial  Discourse,  etc.,  18  ff. 

64  "Die    ersten    sind    welche    in    den    vereinigten    Staaten    gegenwartig 
existieren."  Nachrichten   und  Erfahrungen  von  einem  Rheinldnder,    16; 
Phila.  Gazette,  Apr.  30,  1813;  Wilson,  Picture  of  Philadelphia,  for  1824, 
etc.,  45,   46.     They  frequently  imitated  the  churches  of  white  people  in 
the  then  popular  expedient  of  raising  money  by  means  of  lotteries.     Cf. 
Acts  of  Assembly,  1804,  p.  62;  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  26,  1807;  General  Ad 
vertiser,  Feb.  28,  1808. 

153  Bowen,  History  of  Philadelphia,  161. 


136  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Pennsylvania  as  in  other  places  Methodism  seems  to 
have  exerted  a  preponderating  influence  upon  the  re 
ligious  life  of  the  negroes,  and  the  African  Methodist 
Church  was  soon  more  flourishing  than  any  other  negro 
denomination.68 

Colored  churches  were  earliest  and  most  prosperous 
in  Philadelphia.  In  small  towns  negroes  continued  for 
a  long  time  to  attend  the  churches  of  white  people,  but 
in  the  larger  cities  such  as  Pittsburg  and  Columbia  they 
had  religious  organizations  and  church  buildings  of 
their  own.67  Many  of  the  negro  churches  had  a  flourish 
ing  career.68  Often  they  exerted  a  strong  uplifting  in 
fluence.  In  some  of  them  the  ministers  gained  a  reputa 
tion  through  their  labors  and  their  eloquence,  not  a  few 
being  recognized  as  the  leaders  of  their  race.09 

80  This  was  noted  at  an  early  time,  and  was  frequently  mentioned  by 
travellers.  In  1818  Duncan  found  among  the  negroes  of  Philadelphia 
four  Methodist  churches,  and  one  each  for  Episcopalians  and  Baptists. 
Travels  through  Part  of  the  United  States  and  Canada  in  1818  and  1819, 
I,  208.  In  1825  Bernhard  of  Saxe- Weimar  wrote:  .  .  .  "the  Methodists 
.  .  .  die  meisten  Schwarzen,  ebenfalls  in  grosser  Anzahl  hier  in  Philadel 
phia  gehoren  zu  dieser  Secte."  Reise,  I,  220.  In  1857  there  were  in  Phila 
delphia  eighteen  colored  churches,  described  by  a  negro  as  "  flourishing." 
They  were  distributed  as  follows:  Meth.  Epis.,  seven;  Prot.  Epis.,  two; 
Meth.,  two;  Congregational,  one;  Baptist,  three;  Presbyterian,  three. 
Rev.  Wm.  T.  Catto,  Semi-Centennial  Discourse,  app.,  105-111. 

07  Views  of  Society  and  Manners  in  America,  53;  Hazard's  Register, 
VII,  280;  Laws  of  Assembly,  1850,  pp.  1059-1061;  id.,  1854,  pp.  335,  336. 
For  a  negro  camp  meeting  see  Franklin  Gazette,  Aug.  26,  1819. 

68  CY.  Needles,  Ten  Years'  Progress,  13. 

69  As    for    example    Bishop    Allen.      The    ministers    occasionally    gain 
special  mention.     "  Jacob  Bishop   (a  black  man),  who  has  preached  the 
Gospel  with  great  acceptation  in  various  places,  will  deliver  a  discourse 
This  Evening,  in  that  part  of  the  Academy,  north  Fourth  street,  which 
is  occupied  by  the  Independent   Society."  Phila.   Gazette,  July  3,    1805. 
"  We  heard  a  sermon  to-day  in  the  Episcopalian  church  occupied  by  the 
people  of  colour  in  Philadelphia.  .  .  .  The  church  was  commodious  and 
comfortable,  and  the  congregation  respectable  in  their  appearance.  .  .  .  The 
service  was  performed,  and  a  fair  average  sermon  preached  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Douglas,  also  a  man  of  colour.  .  .  .  The  service  was  read  and  the  ser 
mon  delivered  in  pure  good  English,  equal  to  that  of  any  of  the  other 
clergymen  of  the  city,  and  the  whole  demeanour  of  the  congregation  was 
becoming   and    devout."      Combe,    Notes,    II,    62,    63    (1839).      Captain 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  137 

The  surplus  energies  of  the  better  negroes  in  Penn 
sylvania  were  devoted  almost  entirely  to  church  work, 
because  at  first  they  lacked  wider  opportunities,  and 
afterwards  opportunity  was  withheld  from  them.  It  is 
owing  to  the  very  limited  sphere  in  which  they  could 
move  that  there  is  almost  no  mention  of  them  as  par 
ticipating  in  the  affairs  of  their  neighborhood.  Except 
in  connection  with  crime  they  are  rarely  spoken  of  in 
the  news  columns  of  the  daily  papers.  On  two  occa 
sions,  however,  they  did  attract  some  attention. 

In  the  yellow  fever  epidemics  of  1793  and  1797  so 
great  was  the  panic  that  it  proved  difficult  to  get  nurses 
for  the  sick  or  even  to  get  the  dead  buried.  At  both 
these  times  the  negroes  rendered  a  real  service,  as  they 
were  much  less  liable  to  be  affected  by  the  fever.  For  a 
while  they  were  almost  the  only  helpers  to  be  had.  Some 
charged  extortionate  prices,  and  others  plundered  the 
sick  and  the  dead,  but  this  was  by  no  means  character 
istic,  and  public  expression  of  gratitude  was  made  for 
their  assistance.70 

Marryat,  describing  the  mourners  in  a  funeral  procession  in  Philadelphia 
(1838),  says  they  were  "all  well  dressed,  and  behaving  with  the  utmost 
decorum.  They  were  preceded  by  a  black  clergyman,  dressed  in  his  full 
black  silk  canonicals.  He  did  look  very  odd,  I  must  confess."  Diary 
in  America,  I,  148,  149. 

70  Carey,  A  Short  Account  of  the  Malignant  Fever  Lately  Prevalent 
in  Philadelphia,  63;  Letter  of  Margaret  Haines  in  Pa.  Mag.,  XIX,  268; 
A.  J.  and  R.  A.,  A  Narrative  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Black  People,  dur 
ing  the  Late  Awful  Calamity  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  Year  1793:  and  a 
Refutation  of  some  Censures  Thrown  upon  them  in  some  late  Publica 
tions,  3-23;  Rush,  An  Account  of  the  Bilious  remitting  Yellow  Fever,  As 
It  Appeared  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  Year  1793,  pp.  95-97,  113; 
T.  Condic  and  R.  Folwell,  History  of  the  Pestilence,  Commonly  Called 
Yellow  Fever,  which  Almost  Desolated  Philadelphia,  in  .  .  .  1798,  p.  104- 
Some  of  the  nurses  charged  as  much  as  five  dollars  a  night.  Carey, 
Short  Account,  63.  "  Sie  ziehen  nahmlich  dem  Verstorbenen  seine  Kleider 
aus,  und  schmucken  sich  mit  der  Beute.  Eine  Dame  in  Philadelphia 
theilte  mir  die  Bemerkung  mit,  dasz  die  Neger  niemals  so  gut  gekleidet 
waren,  als  nach  dem  gelben  Fieber."  Buhle,  Reisen,  18,  19  (1798). 
Compare  the  indignant  denial  by  A.  J.  and  R.  A.,  Narrative. 


138  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Again  in  1814  after  the  capture  of  Washington  by  the 
British,  when  Philadelphia  was  thrown  into  a  panic  of 
fear  and  hastily  took  measures  for  defense,  the  negroes 
did  good  service.  Members  of  the  Vigilance  Committee 
conferred  with  the  leading  colored  men  of  the  city,  and 
as  a  result  of  their  interview  it  is  said  that  twenty-five 
hundred  negroes  assembled  in  the  State  House  Yard, 
and  then  worked  ceaselessly  for  two  days  throwing  up 
trenches.71  For  this  they  received  a  vote  of  thanks." 
It  was  even  proposed  to  raise  a  "Black  Legion,"  but  the 
plan  was  not  approved.71 

After  this  time  negroes  at  no  period  participated  in 
public  affairs,  and  thereafter  when  they  attracted  at 
tention  it  was  only  because  of  measures  which  were 
being  taken  against  them,  or  because  of  their  doings 
among  themselves.  Frequently  they  had  their  own 
meetings  and  conventions,  and  on  several  occasions 
showed  in  striking  manner  their  consciousness  of  race 
solidarity.  In  1807  some  negroes  led  by  James  Forten 
and  Absalom  Jones  met  in  a  school-room  to  prepare 
resolutions  thanking  God  that  it  was  no  longer  lawful 
to  import  slaves  into  the  United  States.74  In  1830  at  a 
public  meeting  they  passed  resolutions  praising  the  gov 
ernment  of  Pennsylvania,  and  commending  the  Amer 
ican  Colonization  Society.75  In  the  next  year  a  con- 

71  Nell,  Services  of  Colored  Americans,  in  the  Wars  of  1776  and  1812, 
pp.  24,  25.     Cf.  American  Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  3,  1814. 

72  Nell,   ibid. 

73  Minutes  of  the  Committee  of  Defence,  in  Mem.  Hist.  Soc.  Pa.,  VIII, 
47;  7.   of  S.,   1814-1815,   p.   56.      Negroes  were  debarred   from  the  Penn 
sylvania  militia.     See    below,    p.    182,    note    47.      During   the    Revolution 
there    is   mention    of    one    negro    recruit.      MS.    Misc.    Papers,    Aug.    12, 
1780.     James  Forten  served  in  the  American  navy.     He  was  captured, 
and  confined  in  a  prison  ship.     Nell,  Services,  23. 

74  Phila.  Gazette,  Dec.  30,  1807. 

75  Hazard's  Register,  V,  143,  144. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  139 

vention  of  negroes  met  at  Philadelphia  to  consider  laws 
passed  in  some  of  the  states  abridging  the  liberties  of 
their  race,  and  to  urge  emigration  to  Canada.76  This 
convention,  the  chief  purpose  of  which  was  to  improve 
the  condition  of  the  blacks,  and  which  included  dele 
gates  from  a  number  of  states,  marked  the  first  move 
ment  of  importance  on  the  part  of  negroes  in  the  United 
States."  In  1841  they  assembled  a  state  convention  to 
consider  the  disfranchisement  of  their  race,  and  to  pass 
resolutions  denouncing  it,  while  in  1848  they  formed 
"The  Citizens'  Union  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsyl 
vania  ",  the  purpose  of  which  was  to  obtain  complete 
citizenship.78  In  1853  they  petitioned  the  Legislature  to 
secure  them  entire  protection  when  they  travelled  in 
slave-holding  states.78  In  1857  an  indignation  meeting 
in  Philadelphia  denounced  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and 
also  the  United  States  Constitution,  as  pro-slavery.80 

The  existence  of  a  body  of  active  and  intelligent 
negroes,  which  is  denoted  by  this  activity,  is  further 
shown  in  the  descriptions  of  negro  society  by  an  anony- 

78  Minutes  and  Proceedings  of  the  First  Annual  Convention  of  the 
People  of  Colour  .  .  .  Philadelphia  .  .  .  1831. 

77  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes,  70-77. 

78  Proceedings   of   the   State    Convention   of   the   Colored   Freemen .  of 
Pennsylvania  Held  in  Pittsburg  for  the  Purpose  of  Considering  Their 
Condition   and   the  Means   of  Its   Improvement,   Pittsburg,    1841.      Min 
utes  of  the  State  Convention  of  the  Coloured  Citizens  of  Pennsylvania, 
Convened  at  Harrisburg  .  .  .  1848. 

79 /.  of  S.,  1853,  vol.  I,  161. 

80  Pennsylvanian,  Apr.  4,  1857.  For  a  meeting  to  express  indignation  at 
the  manner  in  which  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  being  carried  out,  cf. 
Public  Ledger,  Feb.  4,  1857.  An  observer  describing  the  negroes  of 
Philadelphia  in  1841  said  that  they  let  pass  no  object  of  importance  with 
out  a  public  expression  of  opinion  in  regard  to  it;  but  he  added  that  on 
account  of  the  rivalries  of  the  leaders  to  control  these  meetings,  and 
because  of  the  abuse  and  bluster  into  which  their  efforts  degenerated,  the 
meetings  were  usually  of  no  benefit  to  the  negroes,  but  rather  a  hindrance 
to  their  cause.  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes,  77-91. 


140  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

mous  writer  in  1841.  He  declared  that  the  negroes  had 
lectures,  literary  societies,  and  "  Demosthenean  insti 
tutes"  for  both  men  and  women;  and  that  they  had 
among  them  ministers,  physicians,  and  at  least  one 
artist.  These  negroes  of  profession  along  with  other 
well-to-do  colored  people  formed  a  society  large  enough 
to  be  divided  into  numerous  distinct  circles,  in  which 
the  members  were  often  bitterly  envious  of  one  another. 
They  were  hospitable  ;  they  visited  frequently  ;  and  they 
entertained  in  well  furnished  parlors  with  music  and 
refreshments.  The  author  particularly  noted  their 
temperateness  and  habits  of  self-restraint :  they  lived 
within  their  incomes ;  they  abstained  from  intoxicating 
liquors ;  they  retired  at  a  seasonable  hour.  This  de 
scription,  if  accurate,  would  denote  considerable  devel 
opment  of  character.81 

The  great  mass  of  the  negroes  of  Pennsylvania  were 
generally  described  as  indolent,  thoughtless,  prodigal, 
and  thriftless,  though  at  the  same  time  cheerful  and 
good-humored  ;  fond  of  gaiety,  music,  and  dancing ;  and 
devoted  to  showiness  and  dress.82  This  last  was  con- 

81  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes  of  Colored  Society  in  Philadelphia, 
By  a  Southerner,  37-44,  56-62,  103,  105,  107,  109.     "  Unlike  fashionable 
people   of   other   communities,    they   live   mostly   within   their   incomes." 
Ibid.,  54,  55.     "  The  observance  of  abstinence  at  the  parties  of  the  higher 
classes  of  colored  society — total  abstinence  from  all  that  has  a  tendency 
to  intoxicate — is  worthy  of  remark."  Ibid.,  62.     That  the  author  is  no 
indiscriminate  eulogist  may  be  seen  from  his  strictures  in  various  places. 
Cf.  pp.  41,  42,  44,  82.     Combe,  writing  two  years  before,  said:  "  I  have 
not  been  able  to   discover  whether  there  is  a  sufficient  number  of  rich 
and   well   educated   coloured   persons   in   this   city   to   form   a  cultivated 
society  among  themselves.     I  suspect  there  is  not;  and  that  the  most  ac 
complished   individuals   of   the    coloured   race    live    here    as   in   a   social 
wilderness,    raised   by   their   attainments   above   the   mass    of   their   own 
people  yet  excluded  from  the  society  of  the  whites."     Notes,  II,  64.     For 
a  negro  ball,  see  Inquirer,  Jan.    16,   1830.     For  the  intelligence  of  the 
better  class  of  negroes  in  Philadelphia,  cf.  Marryat,  Diary,  I,   148,   149 
(1838.) 

82  Views  of  Society  and  Manners,  55,   56;  De  la  Rochefoucault  Lian- 
court,  Travels,  II,  386;  I.  Holmes,  Account  of  the  United  States,  332. 


ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS  141 

sidered  a  serious  failing,  provoking  alternately  the 
wrath  of  the  older  white  citizens,  and  the  derision  of  the 
younger.  The  cartoonists  made  great  sport  of  it.83  In 
1797  it  was  said  that  a  negress  servant  would  wear  a 
ball-dress  worth  many  weeks'  wages  ;84  and  nearly  the 
same  criticism  was  repeated  twenty-five  years  later.85 
Some  of  the  travellers  grew  very  merry  at  the  expense 
of  pompous,  overdressed  negroes  f  while  Watson,  the 
kindly  annalist,  who  loved  things  as  they  had  been  in 
days  gone  by,  spoke  on  one  occasion  as  severely  as  he 
could.87  This  fondness  for  excessive  display  was  some 
times  exhibited  in  public  procession.  On  one  occasion 
it  precipitated  a  riot.88 

83  See  the  ridiculous  colored  prints  by  Charles  Hunt  and  by  I.  Harris 
(probably  about  1825),  in  the  museum  of  Independence  Hall,  Phila. 
These  pictures  ridicule  the  brilliant,  colored  clothes  of  the  negroes,  and 
their  aping  the  importance  of  white  people. 

84 "  A  female  negro  servant,  whose  wages  are  one  dollar  per  week,  will  at 
these  balls,  have  a  dress  that  costs  sixty  dollars."  De  la  Rochefoucault 
Liancourt,  Travels,  II,  386. 

85  "  Many  of  their  females  dress  in  the  most  costly  and  extravagant 
manner;  and  with  regard  to  the  young  men,  there  is  no  want  of  black 
dandys  at  these  splendid  interviews."  I.  Holmes,  Account,  332  (1822). 

86 "  I  recollect  that,  frequently  at  Philadelphia,  when  desirous  of  as 
certaining  whether  the  beauty  of  some  finely  dressed  female  was  equal 
to  her  attire,  I  perceived  under  a  huge  Leghorn  bonnet  and  lace  cap,  the 
black  face  and  great  white  eyes  of  a  negress.  Sometimes  I  could  hardly 
help  laughing,  so  ludicrous  was  the  contrast.  The  black  women  are, 
indeed,  so  fond  of  dress,  and  so  eager  to  imitate  the  fashions  of  the 
whites,  that  I  have  seen  several  with  their  wool  parted  in  front,  drawn 
into  a  knot  on  the  top  of  their  heads,  and  ornamented  with  a  large  tor 
toise-shell  comb.  Moreover  some  of  the  negresses  assume  the  dress  of 
Quakers,  in  which  they  appear  still  more  ridiculous,  if  possible,  than  Jn 
the  ordinary  dress  of  the  white  ladies."  An  Excursion  through  the  United 
States  and  Canada  during  the  Years  1822-23,  by  an  English  gentleman,  25. 

87  Watson,  Annals  of  Philadelphia  II,  261   (1842). 

88  See   below,   p.    163.     A   writer   commenting   on   a   negro   procession, 
says:  .  .  .  "every  one  of  them  marched  as  though  he  were  in  reality  a 
Caesar  or  a  Pompey  .  .  .  for  genuine  love  of  fanciful  finery,  and  love  of 
display,  commend  us  to  the  African  race."    Evening  Bulletin,  June  26, 
J855.     Cf.  also  Harrisburg  Telegraph,  June  26,  1856. 


142  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Altogether  it  would  seem  that  the  negroes  of  Penn 
sylvania  had  made  considerable  progress.  Within  fifty 
years  after  the  passage  of  the  abolition  act  they  had 
adjusted  themselves  to  the  new  economic  situation  so 
well  that  they  were  for  the  most  part  able  to  support 
themselves,  held  some  property,  and  were  in  possession 
of  schools  and  churches.  Except  in  one  or  two  particu 
lars  they  were  theoretically  upon  a  plane  of  complete 
equality  with  the  white  man.  Moreover  they  had  zeal 
ous  friends  who  believed  and  were  disposed  to  maintain 
that  negroes  were  in  all  respects  the  equals  of  white 
people.  They  might  seem,  then,  almost  to  have  attained 
the  goal  of  their  desire.  But  the  truth  is  that  great 
numbers  of  them,  save  in  the  possession  of  freedom,  had 
gained  but  little.  Many  of  them  dwelt  in  misery  and 
squalor.  Many  were  poor,  ignorant,  and  oppressed. 
Great  numbers  of  them  were  hemmed  in  by  hostility, 
and  found  themselves  unable  to  rise.  So  far  as  the  ma 
jority  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  were  concerned, 
negroes  were  cut  off,  thrown  upon  their  own  resources, 
isolated,  and  shunned.  The  causes  which  underlay  this 
racial  feeling  will  be  studied  separately  and  at  length. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
RACE  PREJUDICE  AND  DISCRIMINATION. 

THE  history  of  the  relations  between  the  negro  and 
the  white  man  in  Pennsylvania  is  largely  the  history  of 
increasing  race  prejudice.  At  first  there  was  little  of 
it,  for  although  from  time  to  time  some  expression  in 
the  colonial  laws  shows  that  the  more  far-seeing  men 
regarded  negroes  in  the  commonwealth  as  undesirable, 
yet  such  was  the  character  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania, 
the  negroes  being  few,  well  treated,  and  never  feared, 
that  toward  those  who  were  already  in  the  colony  race 
prejudice  remained  in  abeyance.  During  the  years 
which  immediately  followed  the  abolition  act  of  1780 
any  such  feeling  as  may  have  existed  was  forgotten 
amid  the  universal  efforts  to  complete  the  extinction  of 
slavery,  and  to  help  the  freedmen  in  their  struggle  with 
new  conditions.  During  a  period  which  extended  from 
about  1775  to  1800  many  people  in  Pennsylvania  were 
disposed  to  think  that  negroes  should  be  treated  ex 
actly  like  white  persons,  and  not  a  few  believed  that  the 
negro  would  soon  prove  in  every  respect  the  white 
man's  equal.1  Some  of  the  negroes  cherished  the  same 
belief.2  Occasionally  there  occurred  little  incidents  in 

1  Benezet,  Short  Observations,  12;  Brissot,  Nouveau  Voyage,  I,  301. 
a  MS.  Correspondence  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush,  XXXIX,  41    (1791). 

143 


144  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

which  the  more  enthusiastic  saw  presaged  the  general 
acceptance  of  their  theory." 

Soon,  however,  there  was  a  change  in  the  attitude  of 
an  increasing  number  of  people,  and  hostility  and  race 
prejudice  assumed  more  and  more  definite  outline.  At 
the  beginning  these  feelings  took  the  form  of  a  disdain 
ful  contempt  for  a  people  so  long  the  white  man's  in 
ferior.  Among  certain  classes  an  inclination  developed 
to  regard  negroes  as  fit  subjects  for  insult,  half  rough, 
half  playful,  and  even  for  gratuitous  humiliation.*  It 
was  not  long  before  there  was  abundant  evidence  on 
all  sides  that  between  the  races  there  yawned  a  great 
gulf,  which  beyond  doubt  had  always  been  there,  but 
which  earlier  conditions  had  allowed  to  be  kept  out  of 
mind,  while  now  it  was  constantly  in  view,  and  continu 
ally  made  wider  and  wider.5 

The  lower  and  rougher  classes  of  white  people,  who 
were  brought  into  closer  contact  with  negroes,  fre- 

3  The  Independent  Gazeteer,  June  23,  1792,  noting  the  death  of  "  Mrs. 
Gray,  a  black  woman  ",  says  that  the  funeral  was  "  attended  ...  by  a  num 
erous  concourse  of  people  of  her  own  color,  and  a  very  respectable  pro 
cession  of  white  citizens  ";  and  calls  "  This  pleasing  instance  of  total 
indifference  to  complexion  "  "  a  happy  presage  of  the  time  fast  approach 
ing,  when  the  important  declaration  in  holy  writ  will  be  fully  verified, 
that  '  God  hath  made  of  one  blood,  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.'  " 

*  In  1809  a  traveller  remarked  that  in  Philadelphia  the  boys  seemed 
to  look  upon  themselves  as  privileged  to  insult  the  negroes  indiscrimin 
ately,  and  that  they  did  this  with  the  manifest  approbation  of  their 
elders.  "  A  Stranger  in  the  United  States,"  in  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  24, 
1809. 

5  "  There  exists  a  penal  law,  deeply  written  in  the  minds  of  the  whole 
white  population,  which  subjects  their  coloured  fellow-citizens  to  uncondi 
tional  contumely  and  never  ceasing  insult.  No  respectability,  however  un 
questionable, — no  property,  however  large, — no  character,  however  un 
blemished, — will  gain  a  man,  whose  body  is  (in  American  estimation) 
cursed  with  even  a  twentieth  portion  of  the  blood  of  his  African  ancestry, 
admission  into  society!!!  They  are  considered  as  mere  Pariahs — as 
outcasts  and  vagrants  upon  the  face  of  the  earth!  "  Fearon,  Narrative, 
167,  168  (writing  of  Phila.,  1818).  Cf.  also  "  Hampden,"  in  Norristown 
Herald,  Dec.  22,  1824. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  145 

quently  committed  acts  of  brutality  and  insolence  ut 
terly  disgraceful.  Thus  in  1819  three  women  stoned  a 
negress  to  death.8  In  1825  several  young  men  entered 
a  negro  church  in  Philadelphia,  and  just  as  the  minister 
was  concluding  his  sermon,  threw  a  mixture  of  pepper 
into  the  stove.  The  suffocating  fumes  and  the  cries  of 
fire  caused  a  panic  among  the  congregation  in  which 
some  members  were  trampled  to  death  and  many  in 
jured.7  In  Philadelphia  it  often  happened  that  harm 
less  negroes  were  set  upon  and  beaten  in  the  streets, 
or  struck  with  missiles,  or  cut  with  knives,  when  they 
were  molesting  no  one.8  Occasionally  some  horrible 
act  of  cruelty  was  committed,  as  it  would  appear,  merely 
for  the  sake  of  the  sport.9  As  a  rule  the  perpetrators 
went  unpunished ;  but  if  a  negro  offended,  the  authori 
ties  smote  him  heavily.  In  the  application  of  the  laws 
there  was  constant  discrimination,  so  that  in  the  Con 
stitutional  Convention  of  1837-1838  it  was  openly  de 
clared  that  the  negro  had  small  chance  of  being  treated 
in  courts  like  the  white  man,  or  of  being  pardoned  as 
soon  after  conviction.10 

6  Phila.  Gazette,  June  30,   1819. 

''Democratic  Press,  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  21,  1825. 

8  As  scattered  examples  cf.  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  28,  1835;  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  Nov.  3,  1845;  U.  S.  Gazette,  July  i,  1846;  Inquirer,  Jan.  24,  1848; 
Nov.  2,  1848;  Apr.  8,  1854;  Spirit  of  the  Times,  July  7,  1849;  Bulletin, 
Jan.  i,  1853;  July  16,  1855.  Sometimes  the  negro  driven  to  bay  turned 
upon  his  persecutor.  Cf.  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  25,  1825. 

"For  a  later  example  of  this,  see  Pennsylvanian,  June  21,  1850,  which 
contains  a  notice  of  some  wretches  who,  while  heating  pitch,  seized  a  negro 
boy  and  thrust  his  legs  into  the  boiling  liquid. 

10  Mr.  Earle  said:  ..."  if  any  one  said  so,  then  all  he  had  to  say  was 
that  it  was  contrary  to  his  opinion."  Pro.  and  Deb.  of  the  Con-v.,  X,  38. 
From  1829  to  1848  the  length  of  the  average  sentence  of  criminals  in 
the  Eastern  Penitentiary  and  in  the  Philadelphia  County  Prison  was, 
white  persons,  2  years  8  months  2  days;  negroes,  3  years  3  months  14 
days.  Of  the  white  criminals  15%  were  pardoned  before  the  end  of 
their  terms;  of  the  negroes,  3  %.  Health  and  Mortality  of  Convicts 
(1849),  7 1  9;  J-  of  S.,  1849,  vol.  II,  430. 


146  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

The  feeling  against  negroes,  which  was  strongest 
in  the  lower  classes,  deepened  in  intensity  and  spread 
to  the  more  representative  people  of  the  state.  It  was 
manifested  in  attempts  made  to  effect  new  legal  dis 
criminations  against  colored  people  ;"  and  in  their  grad 
ual  exclusion  from  white  churches  and  from  places  of 
amusement.12  In  1825  a  traveller  noted  that  in  the  jail 
of  Philadelphia  County  the  black  prisoners  could  not 
sit  on  the  same  benches  with  the  whites.13  In  1838  a 
negro  could  have  access  to  a  theatre  only  in  a  certain 
part.14 

The  deepening  prejudice  was  greatly  enhanced  by  the 
anti-slavery  dissensions  of  the  thirties.  In  1831,  when 
the  citizens  of  New  Haven  in  Connecticut  resolved  to 
oppose  the  establishment  of  a  negro  college  there,15  a 
meeting  in  Philadelphia  passed  enthusiastic  resolutions 
commending  their  attitude  in  avoiding  this  monstrous 
evil,  and  said  that  their  action  commanded  the  admira 
tion  of  every  true  lover  of  his  country."  About  this 
time  it  was  the  custom  to  drive  negroes  away  from  In 
dependence  Square  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  since  they 
were  considered  to  have  had  no  part  in  the  founding  of 
the  nation."  In  1838  it  was  affirmed  that  the  feelings 

11  7.  of  S.,  1812-1813,  p.  540;  Rep.  of  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Min.  Four 
teenth  Amer.  Conv.  Abol.  SI.,  Phila.,  1816,  p.  7. 

12  Fearon,  Narrative,  167,  168;  Marryat,  Diary,  149. 

13  Bernhard  of  Saxe- Weimar,  Reise,  I,  227. 

14  Marryat,   Diary,    149. 

15  Hazard's  Register,  VIII,  196. 
19  Inquirer,  Dec.  i,  1831. 

17  "  Whoever  can  call  to  mind  a  celebration  of  our  day  of  Independence 
in  Philadelphia  five  and  thirty  years  ago,  may  remember  that  the  part 
of  the  day's  exercises  which  the  boys  took  upon  themselves  was  to  stone 
and  club  colored  people  out  of  Independence  Square,  because  '  niggers 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  fourth  of  July.'  "  Why  Colored  People  in 
Philadelphia  Are  Excluded  from  the  Street  Cars  (1866),  23. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  147 

of  the  white  people  were  such  that  annihilation  would 
result  to  the  negro,  if  an  attempt  were  made  to  let  him 
vote.18  In  1837  and  1838  it  was  repeatedly  said  by  rep 
resentative  men  in  the  most  public  places  that  negroes 
were  and  must  remain  an  inferior  and  degraded  race.18 
It  was  felt  that  they  had  made  no  progress,  that  they 
could  make  none,  and  that  they  should  not  be  allowed 
to  make  any.20 

The  attitude  of  the  public  was  such  as  to  cause  grave 
apprehension  on  the  part  of  the  negro's  friends.  In 
1839  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  the  Quakers  at  Philadelphia 
directed  particular  attention  to  the  rising  tide  of 
prejudice.21  About  this  time  George  Combe,  the 
phrenologist,  desiring  that  a  certain  negro  hear  one  of 
his  lectures,  was  compelled  to  get  him  into  the  hall  by 
stealth,  and  keep  him  lurking  near  the  door,  so  that  no 
notice  might  be  taken  of  his  presence.22  The  same  writer 
states  that  so  great  was  the  prejudice  and  aversion  felt 
even  by  educated  and  humane  people,  that  they  would 
shrink  back  from  the  gates  of  Heaven  if  they  saw  a 

"Speech  of  Mr.  Sturdevant.  Pro.  and  Deb.  of  the  Conv.,  1837-1838, 
IX,  328.  Also  ibid.,  349. 

19  Ibid.,  IX,  328;  Present  State  .  .  .  Free  People  of  Color  .  .  .  Phila 
delphia  (1838),  4. 

30  In  his  speech  on  negro  suffrage,  Jan.  20,  1838,  Mr.  Sterigere  said: 
"  The  field  of  inaustry,  enterprize  and  science  has  been  equally  open 
to  them. — And  what  instances  of  successful  industry  or  enterprize,  and 
intellectual  superiority  have  the  40,000  negroes  of  this  state  produced? 
None  worth  notice."  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  X,  86. 

21  "We  also  desire  that  the  attention  of  Friends  may  be  particularly 
directed  towards  those  people  of  colour  who  reside  among  us,  and  are 
nominally  free.  This  class  of  our  fellow-men  are  the  objects  of  a  cruel 
prejudice,  which  there  is  reason  to  fear  is  rather  increasing  among  us, 
and  they  are  subjected  to  numerous  disabilities  which  are  very  unfavor 
able  to  their  moral  and  religious  improvement."  Extract  from  Min.  Yrly. 
M.,  April,  1839.  Broadside  in  H.  S.  P.,  TW*  78,  vol.  2. 

28  Notes  on  the  United  States,  II,  48,  49. 


148  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

negro  within/3  The  intensity  of  this  feeling,  which 
now  extended  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  ranks  of 
society,  was  a  matter  of  wonder  to  nearly  every  for 
eigner  who  visited  the  state.24 

After  1840  it  was  admitted  that  no  career  was  open 
to  the  negro,  and  that  he  had  little  chance  to  rise.25 
James  Forten,  richest  and  most  honored  among  the 
colored  people  of  Philadelphia,  found  that  he  was  unable 
to  obtain  any  advancement  for  his  two  sons,  well  edu 
cated  though  they  were.28  By  some  it  was  now  asserted 
that  education  could  bring  the  negro  no  adequate  recom 
pense,  since  he  would  merely  find  himself  possessed  of 
attainments  that  could  neither  be  used  nor  rewarded.27 
There  was  now  less  disposition  to  give  him  schools ; 
and  for  a  while  there  was  absolute  unwillingness  to 
admit  negro  youths  into  the  Philadelphia  House  of 
Refuge.28  All  the  while  the  newspapers  reflected  the 
general  spirit.  Only  at  intervals  was  there  a  note  of 
protest  or  an  offer  to  help.29  As  a  rule  the  feeling  was 
one  of  cynicism  and  disgust.  In  1851  the  Evening  Bul 
letin  maintained  that  the  negro  had  not  been  raised  by 

23  Notes   on    the    United    States,    II,    63,    64.      He    adds,    "  Only    the 
warmly  philanthropic  view  them  as  men,  and  treat  them  with  real  regard." 

24  Sketch  of  the  Internal  Condition  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
by  a  Russian  (1826),  30.     Capt.  Marryat,  Diary,  149,  says:  "    Singular 
is  the  degree  of  contempt  and  dislike  in  which  the  free  blacks  are  held 
in  all  the  free  States  of  America.     They  are  deprived  of  their  rights  as 
citizens;  and  the  white  pauper  who  holds  out  his  hand  for  charity  (and 
there   is   no   want  of  beggars   in   Philadelphia)    will   turn   away   from   a 
negro,  or  coloured  man,  with  disdain"  (1838). 

25  Cf.  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes  of  Colored  Society,  64. 

36  Lyell,  Travels  in  North  America  in  the  Years  1841-2,  etc.,  I,  164, 
165  (1842). 

27  Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes,  95,  96. 

28  Cf.  series  of  letters  in  protest  in  Pennsylvanian,  Jan.  10,  n,  14,  15, 
1845. 

28  Cf.  editorial  in  Inquirer,  Mar.   27,   1848. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  149 

freedom ;  that  he  had  made  no  progress ;  that  in  Penn 
sylvania  he  filled  the  jails  and  the  alms-houses ;  and 
that  the  quarters  in  which  he  dwelt  were  pest-holes  from 
which  diseases  spread.  In  Pennsylvania  he  was  of  right 
a  hewer  of  wood  and  a  drawer  of  water.  If  he  desired 
to  rise  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  go  elsewhere.  He 
deceived  himself  if  he  thought  that  he  could  remain 
there  and  ever  escape  from  his  servile  condition.30  By 
this  time  it  had  even  become  difficult  for  his  friends  to 
raise  money  for  charitable  purposes.31  At  the  time, 
therefore,  when  the  Civil  War  burst  upon  the  country 
pro-slavery  advocates  could  with  some  reason  point  to 
the  treatment  of  the  negro  in  states  like  Pennsylvania, 
and  could  feel  that  De  Tocqueville  was  right  when  he 
said  twenty-five  years  before,  that  race  prejudice  was 
stronger  in  those  states  which  had  abolished  slavery 
than  in  those  states  where  it  still  remained.32 

These  hostile  and  bitter  feelings,  which  were  such  a 
travesty  of  the  high  hopes  of  the  negro's  friends,  and 
such  a  tragic  sequel  to  the  auspicious  beginning  made 
by  the  liberators  eighty  years  before,  were  the  result 
primarily  of  two  causes :  first,  the  enormous  influx  of 
poor  and  untrained  negroes  from  the  South ;  and  sec 
ondly  the  obvious  worthlessness  of  so  many  of  the 
negroes  both  refugee  and  native.  In  the  background 
there  was  always  that  essential,  primitive  aversion 
which  the  race  of  one  color  seems  to  feel  for  the  race 

30  Editorial  in   Evening  Bulletin,  Jan.   21,   23,   Feb.    n,    1851. 

31  Cf.  The  Appeal  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends  ...  on  Behalf  of 
the  Coloured  Races  (Phila.,  1858).    This  appeal  asks:  "  Under  the  same 
neglect  and   pernicious  treatment,   would  not  the  whites  have  exhibited 
equal  degradation?  " 

82  Nichols,  Forty  Years  of  American  Life,  II,  227-241.  De  Tocqueville, 
Democratie  en  Amerique,  II,  292,  294. 


150  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

of  another,  and  which  during  the  last  thirty  years  be 
fore  the  Civil  War  was  increased  by  the  fury  against 
"abolitionism"  and  the  fear  of  disunion.  Yet  the  two 
most  real  and  specific  causes  which  any  white  man 
living  in  Pennsylvania  between  1800  and  1861  would 
have  advanced  to  explain  his  prejudice,  were  the  im 
migration  and  the  increase  of  negroes,  and  the  increase 
of  negroes'  crime. 

Whether  it  would  have  been  possible  for  black  people 
in  Pennsylvania  to  gain  full  sympathy  and  to  enjoy 
such  measure  of  equality  as  they  deserved,  supposing 
that  the  state  had  had  to  deal  only  with  its  native 
population,  cannot  now  be  known.  The  kindly  rela 
tions  at  first  existing  between  the  races  would  have  lent 
enduring  interest  to  such  an  experiment.  But  un 
fortunately  Pennsylvania  lay  on  the  frontier  against 
slavery,  with  its  great  hordes  of  negroes  bond  and  free. 
As  slavery  in  the  South  became  more  rigid,  and  as 
laws  of  greater  stringency  against  the  free  negro  were 
passed  there,  Pennsylvania  always  seemed  like  a  haven 
of  liberty  for  runaway  slaves  and  oppressed  freedmen, 
so  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century 
there  commenced  a  steady  stream  of  immigrants  and 
fugitives  which  diminished  little  in  volume  during  the 
next  sixty  years.33  Many  of  these  refugees  were 

33 "  Negroes  are  very  numerous.  This  is  the  first  city  of  refuge  at 
which  they  arrive  after  making  their  escape  from  the  south."  Finch, 
Travels  in  the  United  States  and  Canada,  75  (writing  of  Phila.,  1833). 
"  There  is  no  State  in  the  Confederacy  more  exposed  to  the  incursions 
of  the  refuse  black  inhabitants  of  others,  than  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  Accord 
ingly  they  are  daily  flowing  in  upon  her — occupying  the  time  of  her  crim 
inal  courts — filling  her  jails  and  poor-houses,  and  sauntering  through  her 
towns  and  villages  in  misery  and  want;  ..."  Denny,  Political  Grade  of 
the  Free  Coloured  Population,  8,  9. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  151 

wholly  unfitted  to  maintain  themselves,  and  became  a 
burden  upon  the  community  wherever  they  went.34 

The  alarm  which  Pennsylvania  felt  over  pauper  ne 
groes  was  evident  in  1804,  when  an  attempt  was  made 
to  lay  a  tax  on  all  free  negroes  in  order  to  provide  a 
sum  for  the  maintenance  of  such  of  them  as  thereafter 
became  chargeable.33  In  1806  the  Friends  lamented  the 
deterioration  in  character  of  the  colored  people  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  affirmed  that  the  constant  influx  of  runa 
ways  was  the  cause.36  In  1815  two  representatives  from 
Philadelphia  caused  the  appointment  of  a  committee 
to  consider  the  preventing  of  all  immigration  of  ne 
groes.  A  bill  was  introduced,  which  was  supported  by 
a  number  of  petitions,  but  it  did  not  become  a  law.87 

The  negro  refugees  showed  a  tendency  to  huddle 
together  in  the  cities  and  the  large  towns.  In  these 
places  they  depressed  the  wages  of  the  negroes  already 
dwelling  there,  and  by  causing  a  surplus  of  unskilled 
labor  gave  rise  to  crowds  of  loitering,  mischievous  beg 
gars,  a  nuisance  to  the  community  wherever  they 

34  The  preamble  to  a  resolution  of  the  House,  1824,  says:  "constant 
migrations  of  emancipated  negroes  from  other  states,  who  being  in  most 
cases  deprived  of  the  benefits  of  education  or  moral  instruction,  become 
an  useless  and  not  unfrequently  a  burthensome  addition  to  her  popula 
tion."  J.  of  H.,  1823-1824,  p.  824. 

35 /.  of  H.,  1804-1805,  pp.  114,  115.  Cf.  also/,  of  S.,  1804-1805,  pp.  256, 
257,  278,  320. 

38  Rep.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  in  Min.  Eleventh  Amer.  Com:  Abol.  SI., 
Phila.,  1806,  p.  13.  "  Freed  from  the  shackles,  but  not  from  the  vices  of 
slavery,  those  victims  of  inhumanity  thronged  our  streets  in  search  of 
pleasure  or  employment.  Some  indeed  embrased  the  opportunities  which 
everywhere  presented,  of  obtaining  an  honest  support.  But  too  many 
served  only  to  swell  the  list  of  our  criminals  and  augment  the  catalogue 
of  our  paupers."  Min.  Twelfth  Amer.  Conv.  Abol.  SI.,  Phila.,  1809,  p.  16. 

3T7.  of  H.,  1812-1813,  pp.  216,  432,  567,  588,  589;  id.,  1813-1814,  p.  101. 
The  bill  was  opposed  by  abolitionists  and  negroes. 


152  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

stayed.38  In  1813  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  petitioned  the  Legislature  for  relief,  ask 
ing  that  free  negroes  be  taxed  to  support  their  poor, 
that  a  strict  registry  be  kept  of  them,  and  that  they  be 
obliged  to  make  satisfaction  for  crime  by  servitude. 
The  petition  stated  that  in  Philadelphia  there  were  four 
thousand  negroes  not  recorded.39  Following  upon  this 
in  the  next  year  a  bill  was  prepared  authorizing  the 
imprisonment  at  hard  labor  of  such  idle  and  disorderly 
persons.  The  bill  passed  the  House,  but  was  lost  in 
the  Senate.4" 

While  Philadelphia  continued  to  ask  for  relief  other 
cities  were  suffering  also.  In  1803  there  wras  a  carefully 
organized  conspiracy  among  the  negroes  of  York  to 
burn  the  town.41  Fires  were  started  in  several  places, 
but  the  citizens  did  not  realize  their  danger  until  eleven 
buildings  had  been  destroyed  and  six  attempts  made  to 
cause  a  general  conflagration.  Then  numerous  arrests 
followed ;  after  which  crowds  of  negroes  armed  and 
made  ready  to  break  open  the  jail.  For  a  few  days 
there  was  a  reign  of  terror ;  business  came  to  a  stand 
still  ;  the  place  was  patrolled  by  armed  guards ;  and  the 

38  "  On  they  come  with  all  the  accumulated  depravity  which  they  have 
been  long  accustomed  to;  such  as  lying,  pilfering,  stealing,  swearing, 
deceit,  and  a  thousand  meaner  vices,  the  fruits  of  slavery.  When  they 
arrive,  they  almost  generally  abandon  themselves  to  all  manner  of  de 
bauchery  and  dissipation,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  many  of  our  citizens." 
Branagan,  Serious  Remonstrances  .  .  .  Consisting  of  Speculations  and 
Animadversions,  on  the  Recent  Revival  of  the  Slave  Trade,  etc.  (1805), 
68.  The  author  is  speaking  of  runaways  from  the  South. 

39 /.  of  H.,  1812-1813,  pp.  481,  482. 

40  /.  of  H.,  1813-1814,  pp.  84,  264,  448,  458,  493,  494,  495,  498;  /.  of  S., 
1813-1814,  pp.  417,  504. 

41  This  seems  to  have  originated  in  revenge  for  the  imprisonment  of  a 
negress  convicted  of  poisoning.      Cf.   Prowell,  History  of   York   County, 
788. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  153 

governor  was  besought  to  send  help.42  In  the  end  quiet 
was  restored,  and  twenty  of  the  miscreants  punished 
for  arson.43  In  1820  Harrisburg  was  infested  with  so 
many  idle  persons,  and  there  occurred  so  many  fires 
supposedly  incendiary,  that  a  vigilance  committee  was 
organized,  after  which  numbers  of  negroes  left  at 
once.44 

It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  there  was  a  constant 
stream  of  petitions  from  all  over  the  state  asking  the 
Legislature  to  prevent  immigration  of  negroes.  Fre 
quently  the  Legislature  considered  a  bill  to  this  effect, 
but  never  passed  it.43  That  no  action  was  taken  seems 
to  have  been  owing  to  the  horror  which  the  people  of 

42  The  sources  are  a  number  of  letters  in  Miscellaneous  MSS.,   1738- 
1806.     York  and  Cumberland  Counties,  263,  265,  267.     One  letter  says: 
"  For  days  past,  we  have  been  alarmed  by  the  hourly  cry  of  Fire."  An 
other,  "  Excuse  this  Scrawl — I  am  worn  out." 

43  Prowell,  History  of  York  County,  788. 

44  Phila.    Gazette,   May   31,    1820.      At  this  time   Harrisburg   found   it 
necessary  to  require  every  negro  arriving  in  the  town  to  register  within 
twenty-four  hours  in  a  book  kept  by  the  mayor.     Ibid. 

45  Cf.  J.  of  H.,  1819-1820,  pp.  341,  511;  7.  of  H.,  1831-1832,  vol.  I,  48,  58, 
118,  283,  307,  338,   710,  907,  918,  932,  945,  983,  996;  7.  of  S.,  1831-1832, 
pp.  797,  814;  7.  of  H.,  1832-1833,  vol.  I,  23,  87,  91,  100,  109,  127,  136,  144, 
150,  158,  1 86,  261,  275,  372,  645;  7.  of  S.,  1832-1833,  p.  9;  Inquirer,  Feb. 
8,  1833;  7.  of  H.,  1834-1835,  vol.  I,   383;  7.  of  H.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  850; 
7.  of  S.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  368,  569,  607,  666;  7.  of  H.,  1842,  vol.  I,  122; 
7.  of  H.,  1843,  pp.  886,  887,  907;  7.  of  H.,  1852,  vol.  I,  21,  59,  106,  142, 
170,  191,  248.  The  law  proposed  in  1852  would  have  put  a  fine  upon  all 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania  who  in  any  way  encouraged  a  negro  or  mulatto 
to  emigrate  into  the  commonwealth.     Cf.  (Harrisburg)   Whig  State  Jour 
nal,  Jan.  29,  1852.     For  memorial  against  it,  cf.  broadside  TW*  78,  vol. 
II,  H.  S.  P.;  7.  of  S.,  1852,  pp.  76,  302,  313,  384,  398,  406,  421,  453,  510, 
587,  700,  863;  also  numerous  petitions  against  the  law  asked  for;  7.  of  H., 
1853,  vol.  I,  58,  140,  161,  167,  534,  550;  7.  of  H.,  1854,  p.  101;  7.  of  H., 
i%55,  PP-  60,  63,  90;  7.  of  S.,  1855,  pp.  62,  181;  7.  of  H.,  1856,  p.   180; 
7.  of  H.,  1857,  pp.  221,  302,  379,  385,  467;  7.  of  S.,  1857,  pp.  in,  250,  405; 
7.  of  H.,  1857-1858,  p.  3475  7.  of  S.,  1857-1858,  p.  167;  7.  of  S.,  1859,  pp.  225, 
391;  7.  of  H.,  1860,  pp.   124,  209,  237,  265,  280,  327,  375,  440,  481,  771- 
774.  835;  7.  of  S.,  1860,  pp.  77,  121,  260,  303,  304,  406.     Cf.  also  Pro. 
and  Deb.  Conv.,  1837-1838,  I,  191;  II,  199-202. 


154  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Pennsylvania  had  of  slavery.  However  much  they 
came  to  dislike  the  negro,  they  hated  slavery  more, 
and  accordingly  could  never  bring  themselves  to  close 
their  doors  to  the  fugitive.46  There  were  many,  also, 
who  believed  that  negroes  would  be  peaceable  and  in 
dustrious  if  given  a  chance.  It  was  for  the  latter  reason 
that  in  1833  the  Legislature  would  not  put  a  stop  to  the 
bringing  in  of  negro  servants.47 

Nevertheless  adverse  sentiment  continued.  In  1850 
a  petition  asked  that  freedom  of  movement  be  taken 
from  negroes.48  In  the  same  year  it  was  asserted  that 
they  were  an  insufferable  burden,  that  they  showed 
nearly  every  form  of  destitution  and  depravity,  and 
that  they  afforded  a  scene  which  might  well  give  rise 
to  the  worst  apprehensions.49  That  there  was  some 
basis  for  such  fears,  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  as 
far  back  as  1834  twelve  per  cent,  of  the  paupers  in  the 
Philadelphia  almshouse  were  negroes,  of  whom  many 
had  come  from  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.50 
In  1847  a  partial  enumeration  of  the  negroes  of  Phila 
delphia  showed  that  nearly  half  of  them  had  come  from 
outside  the  state.51 

46  See  /.  of  H.,  1860,  pp.  771-774. 

47  J.  of  S.,  1832-1833,  vol.  I,  486. 

48  /.  of  H,,  1850,  vol.  I,  759. 

19  Pennsylvanian,  Dec.  n,  1850. 

50  Hazard's  Reg.,  XV,  157. 

31  The  Statistical  Inquiry  made  in  that  year  showed  that  the  total  num 
ber  of  negroes  in  Philadelphia  was  20,240.  Of  those  whose  birth-place 
was  ascertained  8,900  or  57.3%  were  natives  of  the  state,  6,632  or  42.7% 
came  from  other  places.  The  Inquiry  says  that  "  the  free  coloured 
population  is  constantly  augmented  from  the  emancipated  and  fugitive 
slaves  of  the  South  ".  This  explained  how  the  increase  of  the  negro 
population  of  the  city  was  maintained  in  the  face  of  a  much  higher  death 
rate  than  that  prevailing  among  the  white  people.  A  Statistical  Inquiry, 
6,  9,  10. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  155 

The  second  cause  of  race  prejudice  in  Pennsylvania 
was  the  apparent  deterioration  in  character  of  the  ne 
groes  there,  and  the  immense  increase  in  the  number  of 
their  crimes.  In  colonial  days  negro  criminals  had  not 
been  lacking ;  but  either  because  of  stricter  control  then, 
or  because  of  better  disposition,  negroes  had  never  at 
tracted  special  attention  because  of  their  evil  deeds, 
nor  as  a  class  seemed  abnormally  vicious.  For  a  gen 
eration  after  slavery  had  come  to  an  end  no  great 
change  could  be  noticed;  and  though  from  time  to 
time  some  serious  complaints  were  made,  generally  the 
charge  was  that  negroes  were  saucy,  or  that  they 
were  not  improving  as  fast  as  the  efforts  made  for 
them  would  warrant."  Afterwards,  however,  an  im 
mense  change  was  apparent. 

Thus  in  the  winter  of  1821-1822  the  streets  of  Phila 
delphia  became  dangerous  by  night  and  unsafe  by 
day/'3  The  newspapers  were  forced  to  lay  special  stress 
upon  the  situation,54  and  the  governor  in  his  message 
of  the  following  winter  said  that  the  records  of  the 
criminal  courts  furnished  incontestable  evidence  that 
within  the  past  five  years  crime  among  the  people  of 
color  had  increased  faster  than  they  had  increased  in 
numbers.''3  In  1823  the  grand  jury  of  Philadelphia 
presented  the  great  number  of  tippling-houses,  dram- 

52  Branagan,    Serious   Remonstrances,    68,    69    (note) ;    Phila.    Gazette, 
July  22,  Aug.  i,  1805;  Dec.  3,  1806;  Jan.  20,  Feb.  15,  1808;  General  Ad 
vertiser,   Jan.    21,    1806;    Weld,    Travels   through    the   States   of   North 
America,   and  the   Provinces   of    Upper  and   Lower  Canada  during  the 
years  1795,  1796  and  1797,  p.  36   (1795);  Min.  Sixth  Conv.  Abol.  Socs., 
Phila.,  1800,  pp.  6,  7. 

53  National  Gazette,  Nov.  23,  30,   1821;  Phila.  Gazette,  Nov.  24,   1821, 
Feb.   ii,   1822.     Cf.  ibid.,  Feb.   14,   18,   1822. 

84  Cf.  "Justitia"  in  the  Phila.  Gazette,  May  12,  1822. 

M  4  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  386.  In  1821  there  were  sent  to  the  Philadelphia 
penitentiary  113  negroes  and  197  white  people.  Cf.  Rep.  of  the  Visiting 
Committee,  Phila.  Gazette,  Oct.  18,  1822. 


156  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

shops,  and  cheap  dancing-halls  in  the  alleys  of  the  negro 
quarters,  and  recommended  a  law  making  it  more  diffi 
cult  for  negroes  to  become  domiciled  in  Pennsylvania.58 
This  condition  of  affairs  was  not  characteristic  of 
Philadelphia  only,  though  most  evident  there;  it  was 
a  matter  for  alarm  in  widely  different  parts  of  the 
state.57  In  Harrisburg  in  1836  it  was  necessary  for 
strangers  to  be  careful  in  passing  through  the  by 
streets,  for  they  were  infested  with  worthless  negroes 
ready  to  commit  any  crime.68 

The  disproportionate  criminality  of  negroes  at 
tracted  much  attention.  In  some  years  their  crime  was 
four  times  as  great  as  their  numbers  warranted.59  The 
jails,  the  prisons,  the  penitentiaries  were  crowded  with 
them.60  Again  and  again  the  leading  men  of  the  state 
referred  to  this  fact.61  In  1836  a  committee  of  the  Sen- 

Rfi  Phila.  Gazette,  Mar.  20,  1823. 

57  Cf.  Doylestown   Democrat,  Jan.   24,    1825;   Phila.   Gazette,   Apr.   28, 
1825   (Norristown) ;   Upland  Union  in  Phila.  Gas.,  Jan.  26,  1826;  Reading 
Chronicle  in  Phila.   Gaz.,  July  28,   1827;  Butler  Repository  in  Inquirer, 
July  19,  1830;  Germantown  Telegraph  in  Phila.  Gaz.,  Oct.  29,   1835. 

58  Harrisburg  Republican  in  Phila.  Gazette,  May  9,  1836.     In  1842  the 
people   of  Harrisburg   petitioned   that   the   town   council   might   have    ad 
ditional  powers  to  deal  with  the  colored  population.     J.  of  S.,  1842,  vol. 
I,  1006. 

"9  Cf.  tables  for  the  years  1823,  1824,  1825,  1826,  printed  in  the  Phila. 
Gazette,  Mar.  5,  1828. 


Ct 

.  Quar.  Sess. 

Oyer  and 

Terminer 

Mayor's  Court 

White 

Black 

White 

Black 

White 

Black 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

169 

i34 

no 

117 

7 

3 

7 

6 

2OI 

59 

^35 

101 

183 

140 

116 

104 

12 

7 

9 

4 

144 

57 

77 

61 

158 

86 

89 

121 

II 

5 

6 

o 

213 

50 

87 

52 

184 

98 

95 

124 

IO 

I 

7 

3 

133 

34 

56 

49 

694     458     410     466  40       16       29        13  691     200     355     263 

Cf.  also  Hazard's  Register,  I,  244,  247. 

60  Cf.  Hazard's  Register,  III,  214;  Health  and  Morality  of  Convicts,  3. 

61  Cf.  Hazard's  Register,   II,   356;   J.   R.   Tyson,  Discourse  before  the 
Young   Men's   Colonization   Society   of  Pennsylvania,    15. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  157 

ate  reported  that  the  prisons  and  the  poor-houses  were 
filled  with  negroes,  and  that  in  a  few  years  the  dis 
parity  of  crime  would  be  absolutely  intolerable.62  Mean 
while  brawls  occurred,  the  streets  were  unsafe,  houses 
were  broken  into,  men  and  women  were  insulted.83  It 
is  altogether  useless  to  attempt  to  catalogue  these 
crimes.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  newspapers  con 
tinually  record  them.64  In  1837  the  records  of  the  East 
ern  Penitentiary  for  seven  years  showed  that  negroes 
committed  thirty-six  per  cent,  of  criminal  deeds  in  Phil 
adelphia.65  At  this  time  they  constituted  nine  per  cent, 
of  the  city's  population.  During  the  next  ten  years  the 
figures  showed  no  change  for  the  better  ;06  while  during 
the  ten  years  thereafter  other  sources  show  that  there 
was  little  improvement.67  It  was  on  the  strength  of  such 
evidence  as  this  that  just  before  the  Civil  War  a  pro- 
slavery  writer  asserted  that  in  Pennsylvania  freedom 
had  caused  the  negro  to  deteriorate,  and  that  he  had 

"»/.  of  S.,  1835-1836,  vol.  I,  680. 

63  Cf.  Phila.  Gazette,  July  19,  1837;  Inquirer,  Aug.  n,  1837;  Columbia 
Spy,  Oct.  28,  1837;  (Harrisburg)  Chronicle,  Mar.  i,  1837. 

**  See  for  example,  Dauphin  Guardian,  Jan.  5,  1808;  Franklin  Gazette, 
Dec.  6,  1819;  (York)  Independent  Republican,  July  3,  1821;  U.  S.  Gazette, 
Feb.  15,  1828;  July  19,  1837;  Phila.  Gazette,  Dec.  23,  1829;  June  27,  1832; 
Jan.  9,  1836;  Jan.  9,  June  23,  Oct.  23,  1837;  Jan.  2,  n,  13,  Feb.  6,  n,  25, 
Mar.  5,  May  26,  June  12,  1841;  Greensburg  Gazette,  May  6,  1825; 
(Lancaster)  Anti-Masonic  Herald,  Nov.  19,  1830;  Inquirer,  June  26,  1830; 
Nov.  21,  Dec.  29,  1831;  Apr.  28,  Dec.  25,  1834;  June  20,  1837;  Sept. 
5,  1848;  American  Sentinel,  Jan.  12,  1836;  Pennsylvanian,  July  29,  Aug. 
20,  Nov.  30,  Dec.  21,  26,  1836;  Feb.  25,  Sept.  10,  1842;  Sept.  7,  1843; 
Jan.  8,  1850;  Feb.  24,  1857;  Crawford  Democrat,  Jan.  9,  1838;  Spirit 
of  the  Times,  Mar.  22,  1849;  Bulletin,  Aug.  15,  1851;  Public  Ledger, 
Apr.  27,  1857;  North  American,  Mar.  7,  1857;  (Greensburg)  Herald,  Mar. 
30,  1859;  (Harrisburg)  Daily  Patriot,  Sept.  6,  1859. 

05  Present  State  of  the  Free  People  of  Color,  17. 

w  Statistical  Inquiry,  28;  /.  of  S.,  1849,  vol.  II,  430. 

87  Cf.  Tenth  Annual  Rep.  Phila.  Co.  Prison,  in  Pennsylvanian,  Mar.  n, 
1857- 


158  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

there  revealed  such  characteristics  as  to  make  evident 
his  need  for  supervision  and  restraint.08 

It  was  in  vain  that  such  friends  as  the  negro  still  had 
pointed  out  that  a  great  part  of  all  this  crime  was  com 
mitted  by  fugitive  slaves  and  illiterate  freedmen  from 
the  South,  and  that  even  in  Pennsylvania,  since  the 
negro  often  lacked  opportunity  and  lived  in  the  midst 
of  poverty  and  want,  he  was  continually  beset  with 
temptations  which  he  had  not  yet  learned  to  resist.68 
These  arguments  were  not  accepted.  For  most  people 
it  was  sufficient  that  the  deeds  were  done  by  black 
men. 

In  addition  there  was  another  cause  of  an  entirely 
different  nature.  If  great  numbers  of  negroes  fell  into 
disrepute  because  of  their  poverty,  idleness,  and  crime, 
many  more  were  disliked  because  of  their  efficient  in 
dustry  and  their  successful  competition  with  white 
laborers.  After  1780  the  more  reliable  negroes  began 
to  monopolize  certain  occupations,  and  as  time  went 
on,  what  with  their  own  improvement,  what  with  the 

M  Nichols,  Forty  Years,  etc.,  II,  239.  Cf.  also  Watson,  Annals 
(author's  MS),  534:  "The  Slaves  of  Philada  were  a  happier  class  of 
People  than  the  free  blacks  of  the  present  day  generally  are,  .  .  .  who  taint 
the  very  air  by  their  vices  &  exhibit  every  sort  of  wretchedness  and  pro 
fligacy  in  their  dwellings."  For  a  rather  favorable  judgment  as  to  the 
conduct  of  the  negroes  in  Pennsylvania,  see  Remarks  of  Dr.  J.  R.  Bur 
den,  of  Philadelphia  Co.  .  .  .  on  the  Abolition  Question,  etc.  (1838),  8,  9. 

69  "First,  their  necessities,  then  their  want  of  education,  and  then  the 
temptation  of  the  dram-shop,  lead  them  step  by  step  to  a  life  of  indolence 
and  crime;  and  the  criminal  records  of  all  the  courts  are  therefore  greatly 
swelled  by  the  offences  of  the  free  coloured  population."  Buckingham, 
Eastern  and  Western  States,  II,  25,  26  (1842).  At  this  time,  the  author 
says,  the  proportion  of  the  negroes  to  the  whole  population  was  1:33, 
the  proportion  of  their  crime  to  that  of  white  people,  i :  3.  Ibid.  In 
1847  it  was  asserted  that  of  the  negro  criminals  33.7%  were  from  free 
states,  66.3%  from  slave  states.  Needles,  Ten  Years'  Progress,  12,  13. 
Cf.  Statistical  Inquiry,  28.  For  the  relative  numbers  of  negroes  and 
white  people  in  Pennsylvania  at  different  times,  see  Appendix. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  159 

continual  assistance  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  So 
ciety,  they  were  able  to  make  their  competition  felt. 
In  1834  white  men  in  Philadelphia  demanded  that  for 
certain  work  negroes  should  not  be  employed.70  In  1838 
it  was  asserted  that  the  domestic  servants  there  were 
all  negroes,  that  negro  women  were  beginning  to  dis 
place  white  seamstresses,  and  that  further  immigra 
tion  of  Southern  negroes  would  certainly  depress  the 
wages  of  white  laborers  and  artisans.71  In  magnitude 
this  cause  of  prejudice  was  less  than  either  of  the  oth 
ers  ;  but  it  was  based  on  a  deep  seated  belief,  which 
found  expression  at  frequent  intervals.72 

Since  therefore  the  constant  influx  of  negroes  was 
accompanied  both  by  the  economic  pressure  of  the 
good,  and  the  crime  and  lawlessness  of  the  bad ;  since 
in  spite  of  every  discouragement  men  saw  new  negroes 
coming  every  year ;  since  they  saw  wages  depressed  and 
the  labor  market  overstocked ;  since  they  witnessed  the 
unwise  provocation  on  the  part  of  impudent  negroes 
and  the  continued  series  of  graver  crimes,  robberies, 
burglaries,  murders,  and  assaults ;  it  is  not  difficult  to 
understand  how  some  sudden  happening,  or  some  act 
of  exceptional  atrocity,  could  cause  wild  outbursts  of 

70  Niles's  Register,  XLVI,  441.     Niles  thought  "This  is  going  a  'con 
siderable   length.'  " 

71  "  Twenty  years   ago  the  poor  man  had  no  hesitation   in  placing  his 
daughter  in  a  respectable  family  as  a  servant;  .  .  .  The  fashion  became 
general  to  have  colored  servants.    They  could  be  obtained  at  lower  wages, 
and  the  white  girl,  who  had  respect  for  herself,  could  not  put  herself 
on  an  equality  with  colored  servants:  few  places  were  left  where  white 
girls   could  be   employed.      Unable   to  get  employment  as   servants,   the 
needle  is  the  next  resort;  so  many  are  thrown  on  that  means  of  subsis 
tence  that  prices  are  reduced;   even  here  colored  females,  to  a  limited 
extent,  enter  into  competition."     Dr.  Burden,  Remarks  (1838),  10. 

73  Cf.   (Harrisburg)  Key  Stone,  June  10,   1851. 


160  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

passion  such  as  were  witnessed  in  Philadelphia  and 
elsewhere  in  the  years  from  1832  to  1849. 

The  first  negro  riot  in  Philadelphia  occurred  in  1834. 
Previous  to  that  time  there  had  been  occasional  dis 
turbances  between  negroes  and  white  men,78  but  in  that 
year  many  signs  foreboded  graver  trouble.  At  this 
time  "abolitionism"  had  awakened  extreme  wrath  in 
all  the  Middle  States,  and  the  slightest  provocation,  in 
some  instances  the  mere  sight  of  a  negro,  had  been  suffi 
cient  to  bring  about  an  explosion  in  the  Eastern  cities. 
During  July  there  was  a  disturbance  at  Newark,  and  a 
terrible  riot  at  New  York.74  These  events  had  been 
seized  upon  by  the  Philadelphia  papers,  which  solemnly 
warned  abolitionists  not  to  come  to  the  city,  and  at  the 
same  time  admonished  the  negroes  not  to  provoke  a 
disaster  which  seemed  to  be  in  the  very  air.  In  spite 
of  these  warnings  the  disaster  came  on  August  12." 

A  crowd  of  men  and  boys  began  by  demolishing  a 
notorious  resort.  After  this  a  mob  surged  down 
through  the  negro  quarters  committing  violence  of  every 
kind,  while  great  crowds  of  negroes  and  white  men 
fought  with  clubs  and  stones.  On  the  next  day  a  mob 
ruined  the  African  Presbyterian  Church,  after  which 
they  attacked  negro  houses  promiscuously,  ripping  up 
the  beds,  destroying  the  furniture,  and  beating  negroes 
in  dreadful  fashion.  In  such  barbarous  frenzy  were  the 
rioters  that  in  one  house  they  hurled  a  corpse  out  of  its 
coffin,  and  in  another  they  threw  a  dead  baby  on  the 
floor.  On  the  next  day  the  police,  at  first  almost  power- 

73  U.  S.  Gazette,  Oct.  10,  12,  1832;  Phila.  Gazette,  Oct.  10,  1832. 

74  Newark  Daily  Advertiser,  July  12,  1834;  New  York  Journal  of  Com 
merce,  July  12,   1834;  New  York  Commercial  Advertiser,  July  12,   1834. 

75  Cf.  Pennsylvanian,  July   n,    14,   1834;    U.  S.   Gazette,  July    n,    12, 
1834;  Inquirer,  July  14,  15,  16,  28,  1834;  Phila.  Gazette,  July  14,  1834. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  161 

less,  gradually  put  a  stop  to  the  violence ;  but  not  until 
a  church  in  Southwark  had  been  entirely  destroyed,  and 
a  battle  with  armed  negroes  had  with  difficulty  been 
averted.  During  these  three  days  a  great  deal  of  prop 
erty  owned  by  negroes  was  destroyed  ;  while  the  negroes 
themselves  were  completely  terror-stricken.78  A  com 
mittee  of  citizens,  who  were  appointed  to  enquire  into 
the  cause  of  this  trouble,  reported  that  the  rioters  had 
deliberately  destroyed  property  in  order  to  make  ne 
groes  go  away ;  that  they  were  moved  to  their  hatred 
because  they  believed  that  negro  labor  was  depriving 
them  of  work;  because  negroes  had  notoriously 
shielded  their  criminals ;  and  because  negro  churches, 
owing  to  their  noise  and  disorder,  had  come  to  be  re 
garded  as  a  nuisance  to  the  neighborhood."  The  better 
people  of  Philadelphia  deplored  the  violence  and  in 
justice  which  had  been  perpetrated ;  yet  within  a  year 
like  scenes  were  enacted  again. 

In  1835  an  attempt  to  murder  a  gentleman  was  made 
by  a  half-witted  negro.  Immediately  the  public  mind 
became  much  excited,  and  in  spite  of  efforts  to  preserve 
order,  a  huge  mob  collected  and  rioted  through  the 
streets.  Everywhere  the  negroes  fled,  such  as  were 
overtaken  being  shamefully  beaten.  A  row  of  negro 
houses  was  attacked,  and  one  being  set  on  fire  the  fire 
men  were  not  allowed  to  come  near  it.  As  showing  the 
temper  of  the  people,  it  was  said  that  many  respectable 

76  Hazard's  Register,  XIV,   126-128;  Phila.  Gazette,   Aug.   14,    15,   *9« 
1834;   U.  S.  Gazette,  Aug.   15,   1834;   Inquirer,  Aug.   14,   15,    18,    19,  20, 
1834;  Niles's  Register,  XLVI,  413,  435.     On  August  20  there  was  again  a 
disturbance,   though    a   slight   one.      See   Inquirer,   Aug.    22,    1834.      At 
Columbia  there  were  several  disturbances,  one  of  which  was  serious.    See 
Columbia  Spy,  Aug.  23,  30,  Oct.  2,  1834;  Hazard's  Register,  XIV,   143, 
175;  Phila.  Gazette,  Aug.  25,   1834;  Inquirer,  Oct.  7,   1834. 

77  Report  in  Hazard's  Register,  XIV,  201-203. 


162  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

citizens  swelled  the  crowd  of  spectators,  while  the  in 
activity  of  the  police  was  a  matter  of  comment.78 

The  next  disturbance,  which  occurred  in  1838,  was 
directed  less  against  the  negroes  than  against  the  "abo 
litionists  ".  On  May  14  of  that  year  there  was  opened 
in  Philadelphia  a  place  of  assembly  called  Pennsylvania 
Hall.  It  was  afterwards  said  that  this  hall  had  been 
erected  as  a  place  for  the  discussion  of  various  subjects, 
but  during  the  four  days  of  its  existence  the  exercises 
consisted  almost  entirely  of  speeches  by  noted  anti- 
slavery  advocates  on  slavery  and  abolition.76  During 
these  days  the  public  mind  was  much  inflamed  by  re 
ports  that  the  black  and  the  white  delegates  walked  to 
the  hall  arm  in  arm,  and  that  they  sat  together  without 
any  distinction.80  Meanwhile  men  were  seen  prowling 
around  the  building,  and  occasionally  stones  were 
hurled  through  the  windows,  so  that  appeals  were 
made  for  protection ;  but  the  authorities  dallied,  until 
on  the  night  of  May  17  a  mob  gathered.  The  mayor 
asked  the  crowd  to  be  orderly ;  but  the  tone  of  his 
speech  was  such  that  immediately  upon  his  departure 
the  building  was  set  on  fire  and  burned  to  the  ground. 
On  the  next  day  it  seemed  as  though  pandemonium  had 
broken  loose.81  When  night  came  there  was  fighting  in 

78  Hazard's  Register,  XVI,  36-38;   Phila.   Gazette,  July   13,   14,   15,   16, 
17,    18,    1835;   Sentinel,  July   14,   15,    1835;   Pennsylvanian,  July   15,   16, 
1835;   Isaac  Parrish,  Brief  Memoirs  of  Thomas  Shipley  and  Edwin  P. 
Atlee,  8-1 1. 

79  Cf.  History  of  Pennsylvania  Hall,  Which  Was  Destroyed  by  a  Mob, 
3-137- 

80  Sentinel,  May,   19,   1838;   Buckingham,  Eastern  and  Western  States, 
II,  94.     For  a  somewhat  similar  occurrence  about  1793,  cf.  Diary  of  the 
Chevalier  de  Pontgibaud,  who  calls  it  a  "  gratuitous  insult  to  the  manners 
and   customs   which    prevail    in    the    country  " ;    quoted   in    Sachse,    The 
Religious  and  Social  Conditions  of  Philadelphia,   1700-1800,  p.    18. 

81  History  of  Pennsylvania  Hall,  140. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  163 

the  streets  between  negroes  and  white  men,  and  a  mob 
set  fire  to  the  colored  orphan  asylum  and  attacked  a 
colored  church.  Quiet  was  presently  restored,  but  the 
attitude  of  Philadelphia  was  sufficiently  shown  in  that 
the  authorities  declared  that  the  mob  had  been  com 
posed  of  strangers,  and  that  none  were  recognized.82 
The  trustees  of  the  hall  made  a  claim  for  damages, 
but  their  claim  was  dragging  its  way  through  unsym 
pathetic  commissions  as  late  as  1840,  and  was  still  before 
the  courts  in  I847.83 

In  1839  there  was  a  disturbance  at  Pittsburg,  in 
which  several  negro  tenements  were  pulled  down  ;M  but 
there  was  nothing  of  great  consequence  until  in  1842 
there  was  another  serious  outbreak  in  Philadelphia  on 
the  occasion  of  a  negro  procession.  It  was  a  time  not 
only  when  race  feeling  was  running  high,  but  when 
thousands  of  laborers  were  out  of  work.  Nevertheless 
on  August  i  the  negroes  of  the  city  rashly  undertook 
to  celebrate  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  West  Indies 
by  an  ostentatious  parade,  in  which  they  carried  sug 
gestive  emblematic  banners.  Almost  immediately  an 
attempt  was  made  to  break  up  the  procession,  and  for 
two  hours  the  streets  were  the  scene  of  a  violent  battle 
with  bricks  and  stones,  in  which  many  people  were 
wounded.  In  the  afternoon  immense  crowds  had  col 
lected  ;  houses  occupied  by  negroes  were  pelted  with 
stones ;  and  when  two  boys  passing  an  alley  were  fired 

82  ibid, 

83  5  Pa.  State  Rep.  (Barr),  204-210.     On  the  whole  subject  of  this  riot, 
see  U.  S.  Gazette,  May  16,  18,  19,  21,  22,  1838;  American  Daily  Adver 
tiser,  May  19,  22,   1838;  Pennsylvanian,  May   18,   19,  20,  21,  24,   1838; 
Sentinel,  May  18,  19,  20,  1838;  History  of  Pennsylvania  Hall,  Which  Was 
Destroyed  by  a  Mob,  Phila.,  1838;  Sturge,  A  Visit  to  the  United  States  in 
1841,  p.  42;  Sleigh,  Abolitionism  Exposed,  preface. 

84  Pittsburg  Advocate,  in  Phila.  Gazette,  May  6,   1839. 


164  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

upon,  negroes  were  dragged  out  and  frightfully  beaten, 
and  boys  and  old  men  were  hunted  down  like  noxious 
animals.85  That  night  the  large,  new  African  Hall  was 
burned  by  incendiaries,  as  was  also  the  Colored  Presby 
terian  Church.  On  the  morrow  negro  families  could  be 
seen  fleeing  for  their  lives ;  and  quiet  was  only  re 
stored  with  the  aid  of  troops  and  extra  police.  The 
newspapers  now  spoke  with  less  sympathy  than  before, 
and  the  grand  jury  laid  the  blame  upon  the  procession.86 

For  some  years  after  this  event  there  was  compara 
tive  quiet,  interrupted  only  by  minor  disturbances,87  but 
in  1849  on  election  night  the  "Killers  of  Moyamensing" 
led  a  raid  upon  the  blacks  of  St.  Mary  Street.  There 
ensued  a  fierce  fight  with  firearms,  in  which  many 
people  were  wounded,  and  in  the  course  of  which  a 
great  fire  broke  out.  When  the  engines  appeared  the 
rioters  kept  them  away.  Again  it  was  necessary  to  sum 
mon  military  aid.88 

These  disgraceful  occurrences,  which  at  one  time 
gained  for  Philadelphia,  particularly,  an  evil  reputa 
tion,  had  their  immediate  causes  in  various  things. 
Thus,  it  is  certain  that  "abolitionism"  brought  on  the 
upheavals  of  1834  and  1838 ;  that  the  attempt  upon  the 
life  of  a  well  known  man  caused  the  one  in  1835 ;  that 
a  period  of  depression  and  unemployment  greatly  con 
tributed  to  the  one  in  1842 ;  and  that  excitement  at 
tending  the  election  caused  the  one  in  1849.  Notwith- 

85  Phila.  Gazette,  Aug.  8,  1842. 

86  U.  S.  Gazette,  Aug.  5,  1842.     For  this  riot,  see  Pennsylvanian,  Aug. 
2,  3,  4,  1842;   U.  S.  Gazette,  Aug.  2,  3,  4,  5,  1842;  Phila.  Gazette,  Aug. 
2,  3,  4,  8,  1842. 

87  See  for  example  Reed  v.  Bias  (1844),  8  Watts  and  Sergeant  189-191. 

88  Spirit  of  the  Times,  Oct.  10,  n,  12,  13,  17,  19,  1849.     This  riot  was 
partly  caused  by  reason  of  a  negro  who  was  living  with  a  white  wife. 
Ibid.,  Oct.   ii. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  165 

standing  this,  a  careful  study  of  each  one  of  these 
riots  makes  inevitable  the  deduction  that  the  deep,  un 
derlying  cause  which  made  every  one  of  them  possible, 
and  which  prepared  them  long  before  they  burst  forth, 
was  a  fierce,  and  at  least  among  the  lower  classes,  an 
almost  universal,  hatred  of  the  negro  himself. 

The  most  logical  development  of  this  dislike  for  the 
negro  was  seen  in  the  persistent  efforts  made  to  get 
him  out  of  the  state.  In  Pennsylvania  the  scheme  of 
colonization  had  its  origin  in  kindly  efforts  made  to 
send  the  negro  to  a  country  which  he  could  call  his  own. 
As  far  back  as  1817  the  question  was  agitated,  and  in 
that  year  the  negroes  of  Philadelphia  held  a  meeting  to 
consider  it.  The  attitude  adopted  in  this  meeting  they 
maintained  consistently  for  the  next  forty  years.  They 
were  contented,  they  said,  with  their  present  situation. 
In  Pennsylvania  they  enjoyed  the  protection  of  just 
government  and  laws,  while  in  Africa  they  would  be 
separated  from  their  friends.  There,  too,  they  could 
not  but  anticipate  hardships.  Hence  they  respectfully 
asked  that  they  should  not  be  urged  to  go.89  Among 
white  people,  however,  the  idea  became  very  popular, 
and  was  sanctioned  in  numerous  meetings  held  through 
out  the  state.80  Strong  efforts  were  made  to  get  the 
Legislature  to  appropriate  money  for  transportation,'1 
so  that  the  negroes  protested  in  great  alarm.  Some  of 
the  newspapers  supported  them ;  while  Garrison, 

89  Appendix,  I-IV,  of  Min.  Special  Meeting  Fifteenth  American  Conv. 
Abol.  SI.,  Phila.,  1818.     Cf.  Garrison,  Thoughts  on  African  Colonization, 
pt.  II,  9. 

90  M.  Carey,  Letters  on  the  Colonization  Society,   18,   19. 

91 7.  of  S.,  1826-1827,  pp.  363,  394;  id.,  1827-1828,  pp.  1 1 6,  133,  275; 
/.  of  H.,  1827-1828,  pp.  106,  117,  142,  148,  156,  179,  180,  192,  201,  209,  231, 
268,  436,  609;  Inquirer,  Dec.  i,  1831;  7.  of  H.,  1831-1832,  vol.  I,  66,  143, 
153,  174,  175- 


166  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

addressing  a  colored  assemblage  at  Philadelphia,  told 
them  to  abandon  all  thoughts  of  colonization,  and 
maintain  their  rights  as  they  would  defend  their  lives.92 
The  negroes  solemnly  remonstrated  against  the  use  of 
coercive  measures  to  further  their  departure.93  At  a 
convention  held  in  1833  they  proclaimed  that  in  Penn 
sylvania  they  were  born,  and  in  Pennsylvania  they 
would  live  and  die.w 

After  1830  the  dominant  idea  was  that  the  removal 
of  the  negro  would  not  only  be  good  for  the  negro,  but 
very  good  for  the  white  man.  This  feeling,  which  had 
existed  from  the  start,  and  which  had  been  growing  for 
some  years,96  gathered  great  force  in  the  troublous  times 
of  Philadelphia's  riots.  In  1836  the  Young  Men's 
Colonization  Society  petitioned  the  Legislature  for  as 
sistance  in  carrying  out  its  work,  and  in  that  year  and 
the  years  following  petitions  that  such  aid  be  granted 
came  from  all  parts  of  the  state.96  At  this  time  a  com 
mittee  of  the  Senate  recommended  that  in  view  of  the 
great  increase  in  the  numbers  of  negroes,  and  their  un 
desirable  character,  this  aid  be  granted.97  On  one  occa 
sion  it  seemed  likely  that  a  substantial  appropriation 
would  be  made ;  but  the  plan  came  to  nothing.98 

82  Phila.  Gazette,  Dec.  9,  1819;  Sept.  16,  1824.  In  1831  and  1832  the 
negroes  issued  protests  at  Columbia,  Harrisburg,  Pittsburg,  and  Lewis- 
town.  Cf.  Garrison,  Thoughts,  etc.,  pt.  II,  31,  34,  40,  49;  Liberator,  July 
9,  1831;  Garrison,  An  Address  Delivered  before  the  Free  People  of  Color, 
in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  etc.  (1831),  16,  17. 

93Mtn.  Second  Conv.  Improvement  Free  People  of  Color,  (1832),  8. 

°*  Inquirer,  Apr.  30,  1833. 

85  Cf.  Tour  through  Parts  of  the  United  States  and  Canada  by  a  British 
Subject,  29. 

96 /.  of  S.f  1835-1836,  vol.  I.,  338,  795;  7.  of  S.,  1835-1836,  vol.  I.,  213,  240, 
248,  260,  266,  278,  291,  332,  352,  371,  389,  405,  442,  678,  721;  /.  of  H., 
1836-1837, vol. I,  240,  241,  310,  344,  37r,  406,  437,  467,  5*3,  547,  579,  641,  671, 
770,  900,  959;  /.  of  H.,  1837-1838,  vol.  I,  219,  262,  324,  351,  423,  532,  586. 

87  A  minority  dissented.     /.  of  S.,  1835-1836,  vol.  I,  679-682. 

98  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.  1837-1838,  vol.  X,  274;  J.  of  S.,  1837-1838,  vol.  I, 
616. 


RACE  PREJUDICE  167 

Meetings  continued  to  be  held  for  the  purpose  of  de 
vising  plans  for  sending  negroes  away ;  numerous 
colonization  societies  were  formed ;  and  more  drastic 
measures  were  considered.  In  1840  it  was  proposed  to 
lay  a  tax  upon  all  free  negroes  in  the  state  in  order 
to  assist  them  in  getting  out  of  it."  In  1850  citizens  of 
Lehigh  County  asked  the  authorities  to  expel  all  negroes 
and  persons  of  color  from  the  state.100  This  may  be 
said  to  have  marked  the  culmination  of  such  efforts,  for 
although  the  Pennsylvania  House  of  Representatives 
continued  to  deal  with  the  question,  and  though  the 
newspapers  gave  it  editorial  support,  the  efforts  dimin 
ished  in  strength  and  in  number,  and  accomplished  sub 
stantially  nothing.  Indeed  the  project  had  been  imprac 
ticable  from  the  first.  Not  only  was  it  contrary  to  what 
was  held  to  be  right  by  some  of  Pennsylvania's  best  citi 
zens,101  but  it  had  also  to  encounter  physical  obstacles 
of  such  stupendous  magnitude,  obstacles  involved  in  the 
removal  and  transportation  of  many  thousands  of  un 
willing  people,  that  the  scheme  was  then,  as  since, 
looked  upon  as  hopeless  if  not  impossible  ;  a  matter  less 
to  be  expected  than  desired. 

It  may  therefore  be  seen  that  the  residence  of  the 
negro  in  Pennsylvania  was  a  cause  of  irritation  con 
stantly  increasing.  Efforts  were  made  to  keep  him 
from  entering  the  state ;  efforts  were  made  to  get  him 
to  go  out.  That  neither  of  these  designs  proved 

"African  Repository,  VIII,  125,  283;  XI,  185,  347,  348;  XIV,  63; 
J.  of  H.,  1840,  vol.  I,  347,  508,  614,  622,  623,  680;  J.  of  S.,  1840,  p.  275. 

100 /.  of  S.,  1850,  vol.  I,  454,  479. 

101  Not  by  the  majority,  however.  "The  belief  is  common  to  the  mass 
of  whites  in  the  north,  that  the  blacks  are  living  among  them  merely  by 
sufferance,  and  that,  without  the  shadow  of  wrong,  they  might  become 
subject  to  general  deportation  "...  The  African's  Right  to  Citizenship, 
etc.  (Phila.,  1865),  p.  6. 


i68  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

possible  of  accomplishment  served  only  to  render  his 
presence  more  obnoxious.  It  will  now  be  possible  to 
understand  more  clearly  the  attempts  that  were  made 
to  abridge  his  rights  and  curtail  his  privileges:  es 
pecially  the  memorable  contest  over  the  suffrage  in 
the  years  1837  and  1838. 


CHAPTER  X. 
THE  SUFFRAGE. 

IT  has  been  shown  that  the  rise  of  the  negro  in  Penn 
sylvania  was  gradual ;  that  before  he  became  free  he 
mounted  up  through  successive  stages  of  servitude ; 
and  that  on  gaining  freedom  his  status  for  a  long 
while  was  not  that  of  the  white  man.  After  1780,  when 
the  free  negro  received  civil  equality,  he  might  seem  to 
have  finished  his  ascent ;  but  later,  when  the  question 
of  his  political  status  was  agitated,  it  was  seen  that  his 
citizenship  was  not  yet  complete,  and  that  he  had  not 
the  full  rights  of  a  freeman,  because  he  could  not  vote. 
Since  in  Pennsylvania  the  franchise  depended  upon 
the  paying  of  taxes,  the  political  rights  of  the  negro 
could  not  be  a  pressing  issue  in  the  early  stages  of  his 
economic  rise.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  provoked  al 
most  no  discussion  until  the  famous  controversy  in 
1837-1838. 

In  the  spring  of  1837  a  Convention  assembled  to 
draft  a  new  constitution  for  the  state.  The  question 
of  negro  suffrage  does  seem  to  have  been  attracting  at 
tention  at  this  time,1  but  when  the  article  of  the  consti 
tution  relating  to  the  qualifications  of  an  elector  was 
reached,  it  was  proposed  in  the  Convention  to  limit  the 

1  There  had  been  little,  if  any,  notice  of  it  in  the  papers. 


i;o  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

franchise  to  white  men.2  An  interesting  discussion 
followed  in  which  some  took  the  ground  that  a  negro 
holding  property  might  vote,8  others  that  he  never  had 
had  such  a  right.4  The  prevailing  comment  was  that  to 
allow  him  the  franchise  would  be  inexpedient  and  un 
desirable,  that  it  would  conduce  to  social  equality,  and 
that  it  would  bring  ruin  upon  the  negro's  head.5  After 
a  while,  however,  a  new  clause  was  adopted  which  did 
not  specifically  exclude  negroes.8  Shortly  after  the 
Convention  was  adjourned  for  the  summer.7 

During  these  months  the  discussion  had  attracted  lit 
tle  popular  attention.  Outside  of  the  Convention  it  does 
not  seem  to  have  created  any  noticeable  interest.  In 
the  fall,  however,  the  question  was  suddenly  brought 
into  the  field  of  politics,  when  it  assumed  an  importance 
which  it  was  destined  not  to  lose  for  the  next  thirty 
years. 

In  October,  1837,  m  Bucks  County  a  defeated  candi- 

2  "  In  elections  by  the  citizens,  every  freeman  of  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years,   having  resided  in  the   State  two  years  next  before  the  elec 
tion,   and  within  that  time  paid  a  State  or  county  tax,  which  fhall  have 
been   assessed   at  least   six   months  before  the   election,   shall   enjoy  the 
rights   of   an   elector."     Constitution    of    1790,   art.    Ill,    sect.    I,    Poore, 
Federal  and  State  Constitutions,  II,   1551.     For  the  debate  see  Pro.  and 
Deb.  Conv.,  I,  164,  191,  233,  270,  293;  II,  470,  472. 

3  Ibid.,  II,  476,  478,  479. 
*7&»d.,  Ill,  91. 

5  Ibid.,  II,  477,  478,  549.  "Every  negro  in  the  State,  worthy  and 
worthless — degraded  and  debased,  as  nine-tenths  of  them  are,  will  rush 
to  the  polls  in  senseless  and  unmeaning  triumph.  The  chimney  sweep 
and  the  boot  black  will  eat  the  fruits  of  liberty  with  the  virtuous 
mechanic,  laboring  man,  farmer,  and  merchant."  Ibid.,  II,  540,  541. 
"  There  are  some  wards  of  the  city,  in  which  I  find,  if  the  Constitution 
give  them  the  right,  that  they  will  be  able,  not  only  to  carry  the  wards, 
but  to  distribute  all  the  offices."  Mr.  Martin,  Phila.,  ibid.,  Ill,  83.  Also 
ibid.,  Ill,  84,  89. 

elbid.t    III,    91. 

7  The  Convention  reassembled  at  Harrisburg  on  October  17.  On  Novem 
ber  23  it  removed  to  Philadelphia. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  171 

date  for  a  local  office  laid  claim  to  his  opponent's  seat 
on  the  ground  that  negroes  had  voted  for  his  opponent, 
and  that  this  was  contrary  to  law.8  That  the  question, 
in  spite  of  its  apparent  suddenness,  was  not  entirely 
new  at  the  time,  is  shown  by  the  magnitude  of  the 
forces  set  in  motion.  The  Democratic  organization  in 
Bucks  County,  feeling  its  power  threatened,  held  a 
meeting  at  once,  and  resolved  to  try  three  methods  of 
excluding  the  negro  vote :  to  petition  the  Legislature,  to 
take  the  matter  before  the  courts,  and  to  have  the  ob 
scure  phrase  in  the  constitution  so  amended  as  to  ex 
clude  negroes  indubitably.9  Meanwhile  the  newspapers 
related  and  magnified  the  affair.  It  was  asserted  that 
negroes  had  gone  to  the  polls  armed;  that  they  had 
threatened  to  shoot  down  whoever  questioned  them ; 
and  that  they  had  been  incited  to  this  by  members  of  the 
Abolition  Society.10  In  addition  it  was  made  plain  that 
negroes  had  voted  in  a  number  of  localities."  This 
awakened  astonishment  in  Philadelphia,  where  there 
was  a  greater  number  than  in  any  other  place,  but 
where,  it  was  said,  no  negro  had  ever  cast  a  vote.12 

8  Sentinel,  Nov.  n,  1837. 

9  Pennsylv anian,  Oct.  30,  1837;  Sentinel,  Nov.  7,  1837;  Davis,  "  Negro 
Suffrage  in  Pennsylvania,"  Era  Magazine,  XII,  385   (1903).     Also  Sen 
tinel,   Nov.    n,    1837. 

10  Bedford  Gazette,  Nov.   17,   1837;  Davis,  ibid.     Among  those  accused 
of  inciting  the  negroes  was  one  whose  name  became  ominous  in  the  South 
many   years   later.      "  Thaddeus    Stevens! — a   man   who    has   taught   the 
NEGROES  to  contend  for  the  rights  of  a  white  man  at  the  polls!  by  his 
zealous  support  of  the  accursed  doctrines  of  ABOLITION."     Bedford 
Gazette,   Nov.    17,    1837. 

u  Pennsylvanian,  Oct.  30,  31,   1837. 

12  The  Pennsylvanian,  Oct.  30,  1837,  said  that  while  both  parties  at  times 
procured  votes  from  other  States,  nevertheless,  although  there  were 
25,000  {sic)  negroes  in  Philadelphia,  "  no  person  has  ever  been  found  so 
base  and  unprincipled  as  to  lead  Negro  voters  to  the  polls,  as  such  votes 
would  be  rejected  as  illegal  by  all  parties." 


172  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

In  December  Judge  Fox  of  the  Bucks  County  Court, 
to  which  the  case  had  been  brought,  handed  down  a 
decision  that  the  complainant  had  been  legally  elected 
His  opinion  displayed  much  learning  and  ability,  and 
was  substantially  the  basis  of  similar  opinions  there 
after.  He  declared  that  the  right  of  negroes  to  vote 
depended  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  constitution, 
which  said  that  in  elections  by  the  citizens  all  "free 
men"  under  certain  circumstances  should  have  the 
privilege.  The  negro,  he  said,  was  not  a  freeman  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  had  not  been  from  the  first. 

Judge  Fox  asserted  that  among  the  fundamental 
principles  of  Penn's  government  these  two  were  of  the 
most  importance :  the  right  of  freemen  to  choose  an  As 
sembly  and  to  be  chosen  to  it,  and  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury.  But  negroes  could  not  have  participated  in  the 
early  Assemblies,  since  the  members  were  to  have  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  free  born  subjects  of 
England,  and  such  as  were  usual  in  the  King's  Amer 
ican  plantations ;  while  on  the  other  hand  almost  imme 
diately  after  the  issuing  of  Penn's  charter  of  privileges, 
which  guaranteed  trial  by  jury  to  freemen,  there  was 
passed  a  law  for  the  trial  and  punishment  of  negroes,  of 
such  effect  that  a  negro  could  be  hanged  on  the  sum 
mary  judgment  and  sentence  of  a  special  court.13  Thus 

13  In  1701  it  was  proclaimed  that  the  freemen  should  choose  an  As 
sembly  which  "  shall  have  all  other  Powers  and  Privileges  of  an  Assem 
bly,  according  to  the  Rights  of  the  free-born  Subjects  of  England,  and  as 
is  usual  in  any  of  the  King's  Plantations  in  America."  Charter  of  Priv 
ileges,  Poore,  Federal  and  State  Constitutions,  II,  1538.  According  to  the 
"  Laws  agreed  upon  in  England  "  "  every  Inhabitant  in  the  said  province, 
that  is  or  shall  be  a  purchaser  of  one  hundred  acres  of  land  or  upwards, 
his  heirs  and  assigns,  and  every  person  who  shall  have  paid  his  passage, 
and  taken  up  one  hundred  acres  of  land,  at  one  penny  an  acre,  and  have 
cultivated  ten  acres  thereof,  and  every  person  that  hath  been  a  servant  or 
bondman,  and  is  free  by  his  service,  that  shall  have  taken  up  his  fifty 


THE  SUFFRAGE  173 

it  was  certain  that  at  the  establishment  of  Pennsylvania 
the  negroes  who  were  slaves  had  neither  of  these  most 
important  rights  of  citizenship.  Furthermore  the  law 
for  the  regulation  of  free  negroes  passed  in  1725-1726 
was  such  that  it  could  not  be  supposed  that  negroes 
even  if  free  were  freemen  under  the  charter  and  laws 
of  Pennsylvania ;  for  although  they  might  be  free  from 
the  control  of  a  private  master,  yet  they  occupied  an 
inferior  status  in  relation  to  the  government.  White 
men  were  governed  by  one  code  of  laws  made  by  them 
selves,  negroes  by  another  code  made  by  the  white  men. 
It  was  plain,  therefore,  that  a  free  negro  was  not  a  free 
man  as  the  term  was  understood  by  the  provincial  law 
makers.  In  1776  the  first  state  constitution  provided 
that  elections  should  be  by  every  freeman,14  and  as  it 
made  no  provision  for  free  negroes,  it  left  their  status 
unchanged.15  The  act  for  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
passed  in  1780,  gave  negroes  no  political  rights,  since 
the  Assembly  had  no  power  to  do  this.18  The  constitu 
tion  adopted  in  1790  made  no  change."  In  1790,  said 
Judge  Fox,  Pennsylvania  had  taken  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  as  a  model.  In  1789,  when  this  Constitution 

acres  of  land,  and  cultivated  twenty  thereof,  and  every  inhabitant,  ar 
tificer,  or  other  resident  in  the  said  province,  that  pays  scot  and  lot  to  the 
government,  shall  be  deemed  and  accounted  a  freeman  "...  Laws  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  1682-1700,  p.  99.  Also  ibid.,  246,  247. 

14  "  Every  freeman  of  the  full  age  of  twenty-one  years,  having  resided 
in  this  state  for  the  space   of  one  whole  year  next  before  the   day  of 
election  for  representatives,  and  paid  taxes  during  that  time,  shall  enjoy 
the  right  of  an  elector  "...  Sect.  6,  Poore,  II,  1542. 

15  "  The  Convention  of  1776,  in  making  a  frame  of  Government,  acted 
as  if  no  such  beings  as  negroes  were  in  existence."     Opinion  of  Judge 
Fox. 

16  "  The  Legislature  could  not  give  the  negro  political  power.     They 
could  not  bring  within  the  words  of  the  Constitution  a  class  of  men  not 
comprehended  by  the  Convention  which  framed  it."     Ibid. 

17  Poore,  II,   1551. 


174  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

was  adopted,  only  five  of  the  states  had  done  anything 
to  abolish  slavery,  yet  the  Constitution  said  that  the 
citizens  of  one  state  should  be  entitled  to  all  the  privi 
leges  of  the  citizens  of  another.  Was  it  likely  that  the 
Southern  states  would  have  adopted  the  Constitution 
if  they  had  thought  that  free  negroes  from  the  North 
could  have  citizenship  within  their  borders?  More- 
aver,  by  the  state  constitution  the  right  to  bear  arms 
was  guaranteed  to  citizens  ;18  and  negroes  had  not  been 
allowed  to  do  this.  The  Federal  naturalization  law 
passed  in  1802  expressly  confined  to  white  people  the 
right  of  becoming  citizens.19  As  to  Pennsylvania  her 
self,  in  the  terrible  crisis  of  1776  she  would  not  have 
taken  the  dangerous  step  of  giving  negroes  the  right  to 
vote.  In  1790  things  were  left  as  before.  The  best 
proof  that  it  had  never  been  the  intention  to  let  negroes 
be  freemen  was  that  in  Philadelphia,  where  they  were 
most  numerous,  they  had  never  had  the  franchise. 
Therefore,  he  said,  in  Pennsylvania  the  negro  was  not 
a  freeman,  and  had  not  the  right  to  vote.20 

During  the  weeks  between  the  October  meeting  of 
protest  and  the  rendering  of  Judge  Fox's  decision  the 
whole  question  had  attained  a  publicity,  and  awakened 
an  interest,  which  were  manifest  in  the  numerous  peti 
tions  sent  to  the  Constitutional  Convention  when  it 

is "  That  the  people  have  a  right  to  bear  arms  for  the  defense  of 
themselves  and  the  state"  .  .  .  Constitution  of  1776.  Poore,  II,  1542. 

19  "An  Act  to  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  Naturalization,"  etc.,  .  .  . 
"  any  alien  being  a  free  white  person,  may  be  admitted  to  become  a  citizen 
of   the   United   States,   ...  on   the   following   conditions,"  .  .  .  Stat.   at 
Large  of  the  U.  S.,  Seventh  Cong.,  sess.  I,  ch.  28.  Cf.  ibid.,  Eighteenth 
Cong.,  sess.  I,  ch.  186  (1824). 

20  Opinion  of  the  Hon.  John  Fox  .  .  .  against  the  Exercise  of  Negro  Suf 
frage  in  Pennsylvania   (Harrisburg,   1838).     It  should  be  remarked  that 
during  the  debates  in  the  Convention  it  was  said  that  formerly  Judge  Fox 
had  himself  led  negroes  to  the  polls.     Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  X,  48. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  175 

reassembled.  Many  of  these  favored  the  negro,  but 
the  majority  were  against  him.21  On  the  sixteenth  of 
November  a  petition  from  citizens  of  Bucks  County  was 
presented  praying  for  a  constitutional  provision  specific 
ally  excluding  negroes  from  the  right  of  suffrage.22  The 
question  was  thus  reopened  for  debate. 

The  arguments  that  followed  were  long,  and  some  of 
them  were  able.  In  character  some  were  historical  and 
legal,  others  ethical  and  sentimental.  While  it  was 
upon  the  legal  arguments  that  Pennsylvania  rested  her 
case,  yet  she  was  brought  to  her  decision  largely 
through  reasons  of  prejudice  and  expedience.  The 
arguments  may  be  grouped  as  follows : 

The  negro  ought  not  to  have  the  suffrage  because  it 
was  contrary  to  the  law,  and  because  it  would  be  bad 
policy.  In  the  first  place  he  had  never  been  a  citizen  in 
the  full  sense  of  the  term  either  under  the  colonial  laws, 
or  by  the  first  constitution,  or  because  of  the  act  of 
1780,  or  by  reason  of  the  constitution  then  in  force.23 
That  he  was  partly  a  citizen  was  true  so  far  as  he  was 
a  free  negro,  but  this  involved  only  rights  civil,  not  po 
litical.  The  mere  possession  of  freedom  did  not  make 
him  a  freeman,  nor  make  it  possible  for  him  to  become 

n  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  VII,  295;  VIII,  113,  117,  161,  162,  193, 
267;  IX,  40,  83,  114,  155,  224,  257,  293,  339;  XI,  i.  Ibid.,  V,  414,  443; 
VI,  370,  371;  VII,  ',  117,  272,  295,  357,  384;  VIII,  40,  gif  92,  113,  "7. 
161,  162,  241,  267;  IX,  41,  83,  114,  218,  224,  225,  257,  293,  294,  339; 
X,  29,  193;  XI,  i.  Mr.  Sterigere,  speaking  Jan.  18,  1838,  said  that  after 
the  adjournment  of  the  Convention  in  July  preceding,  he  passed  through 
half  the  counties  of  the  state,  that  everywhere  by  people  of  both  parties 
the  opposition  to  negro  suffrage  was  almost  unanimous,  that  a  mass  of 
petitions  had  come  in,  that  the  newspapers  were  against  it,  and  that 
numerous  public  meetings  had  been  held.  Ibid.,  IX,  357. 

"Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  V,  414. 

23  Ibid.,  IX,  325,  363.  Ibid.,  V,  422,  424;  IX,  326,  348,  363;  X,  20,  103. 


i;6  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

one.24  That  this  view  had  been  consistently  accepted 
was  shown  by  many  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  of  many 
other  states,  and  of  the  United  States.25  In  the  second 
place  it  was  most  inexpedient  to  allow  the  negro  to  vote, 

24  Mr.  Cummin,  who  used  the  word  "  citizen  "  where  most  of  the  mem 
bers  used  "  freeman  ",  said  that  a  man  might  be  free  and  yet  not  a  citizen; 
that  citizens  paid  taxes  and  were  enrolled  in  the  militia,  and  in  time  of 
war  marched    in  the  service  of  their  country;  but  that  it  "  has  never  been 
supposed  nor  contended  by  any  one,  that  they  "  (negroes)  "  are  eligible, 
as  citizens,  to  civil,  military,  or  judicial  stations  under  the  government 
of  this  state.     They  are  still  freemen  in  regard  to  some  personal  rights, 
and  the  rights  of  property."     Ibid.,  V,   422.     Mr.   Sturdevant  said  that 
according  to   the  constitution  of   1776  freemen  were  to  be  trained  and 
armed  for  the   defence  of  the  country   (c/.   Poore,   II,    1542),  but  that 
negroes  were  not  allowed  to  bear  arms.     Ibid.,  IX,  325.     Also  ibid.,  IX, 
347.  358-364,  385- 

25  Mr.  Mann  said  that  some  of  the  slave-holding  states  forbade  the  im 
migration  of  free  negroes,  which  would  be  contrary  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  if  those  negroes  were  freemen.     Ibid.,  V,  453.     Mr. 
Cummin    said:    "  The    coloured    race    are    a    distinct    people:    and    have 
always  been  held  by  our  citizens  at  large  as  to  be  subjected  to  a  separate 
and    distinct    law."      Ibid.,   IX,    257.      Mr.    Sterigere    asserted   that   the 
United    States    naturalization    laws   applied    only    to    white   people;    that 
eighteen  states  had  expressly  discriminated  against  the  negro;  that  the 
Kentucky  Court  of  Appeals  had  decided  that  free  blacks  were  not  citizens 
(citing    i    Littell    333) ;    and    that    in    Connecticut   in    1833    Chief  Justice 
Daggett  had  made  a  like   decision   (citing  2  Kent's  Commentaries,  258, 
note).    Ibid.,  IX,  359,  360.     It  may  be  remarked  that  as  regards  the  suf 
frage  in  the  different  states  the  constitutions  adopted  up  to  the  end  of  the 
year  1838  provided  as  follows:  (a)  voting  restricted  to  free  white  men — 
Alabama  (1819),  Arkansas  (1836),  Connecticut  (1818),  Delaware  (1792, 
1831),  Florida  (1838),  Illinois  (1818),  Indiana  (1816),  Kentucky  (1799), 
Louisiana  (1812),  Maryland  (1810),  Michigan  (1835),  Mississippi  (1817, 
1832),   Missouri   (1820),   North   Carolina   (1835),   Ohio   (1802),   Pennsyl 
vania   (1838),  South  Carolina   (1778,   1790),  Tennessee   (1834),  Virginia 
(1830);    of    these    states    the    following    had    by    previous    constitutions 
given    the    right    to    all    freemen    or    all    male    citizens,    though   this    did 
not  necessarily  admit  negroes — Maryland  (1776),  Michigan  (1822),  North 
Carolina  (1776),  Pennsylvania  (1776,  1790),  Tennessee  (1796),  Virginia 
(1776),  (&)  voting  allowed  to  all  freemen  or  citizens,  not  necessarily  ad 
mitting  negroes — Georgia    (1798),   Maine   (1820),   Massachusetts    (1780), 
New   Jersey    (1776),    New   Hampshire    (1784,    1792),    New   York    (1777, 
1821 — with    higher    property    qualifications    for    negroes),    Rhode    Island 
(1777,    1786,    1793);    of  these   states   Georgia    (1777)    had   previously   re 
stricted  it  to  white  men.    Poore,  The  Federal  and  State  Constitutions.  Cf. 
Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  IX,  380. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  177 

because  the  negro  was  an  inferior  being,  and  because 
Pennsylvania  would  be  overrun  by  hordes  of  black  men 
from  other  states  if  she  afforded  a  privilege  then  so 
unusual.28 

In  answer,  it  was  said  that  the  negro  ought  to  be 
allowed  to  vote  because  the  law  gave  him  this  privilege, 
and  also  because  it  was  just  that  he  should  have  it.  That 
he  had  the  right  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  for  some 
time  he  had  voted  unquestioned  in  many  parts  of  the 
state.  It  was  probable  that  the  right  had  been  con 
ferred  by  the  constitution  of  1776."  It  had  been  assured 
by  the  act  of  1780,  and  confirmed  by  the  constitution  of 
I79O.28  Finally  the  negro  was  no  inferior  being,  but 
an  excellent  and  worthy  citizen,  whom  it  would  be  un 
just  to  degrade  or  depress.29  These  arguments  must  be 
examined  in  detail. 

That  the  free  negro  had  not  full  rights  of  citizenship 
in  Pennsylvania  during  the  colonial  period  is  true,  as 

28  "  They  are  also  a  debased  and  degraded  portion  of  our  population  .  .  . 
All  attempts  to  elevate  them  have  proved  abortive.  They  seem  to  have 
no  desire  to  be  elevated.  The  mass  are  ignorant  and  debased."  Pro. 
and  Deb.  Conv.,  IX,  364.  Mr.  Martin  said  that  if  the  restriction  was 
imposed  "  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  will  not  then  be  the  receptacle  of  fugitive 
slaves,  or  runaway  negroes  ...  as  she  now  is."  Ibid.,  IX,  321.  Also 
ibid.,  Ill,  84;  V,  445;  IX,  357,  369;  X,  94. 

27  Ibid.,  IX,  329,  354. 

28  There  was  some  hearsay  evidence  that  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  constitution  of  1790  had  proposed  to  insert  "white"  in  the  section 
which  contained  the  suffrage  qualifications,  but  that  the  word  had  been 
stricken  out  on  the  motion  of  Albert  Gallatin.     When  questioned,  Gal- 
latin,  who  was  then  very  old,  replied:  "I  have  a  lively  recollection  that, 
in  some  stages  of  the  discussion,  the  proposition  pending  before  the  con 
vention,  limited  the  right  of  suffrage  to  '  free  white  citizens,'  etc.,  and 
that   the   word    '  white '   was   struck   out   on   my   motion."     Letter   from 
Albert  Gallatin  to  Joseph  Parrish,  Dec.  21,  1837,  in  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv., 
X,  45.     It  was  the  opinion  that  such  action  had  been  taken  in  order  that 
white  men  of  dark  complexion  might  not  be  excluded.     Ibid.,  X,  96;  6 
Watts  559. 

29  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  IX,  391;  X,  10,  71. 

13 


i;8  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Judge  Fox  said.  According  to  the  laws  agreed  upon  in 
England  in  1682  the  right  of  suffrage  was  conferred 
upon  men  who  were  property-holders  and  who  were 
free.80  At  this  time  it  is  extremely  improbable  that 
Penn  was  taking  cognizance  of  any  negroes,  for  their 
normal  status  at  this  period  in  the  country  around  the 
Delaware  was  de  facto  slavery,  and  no  record  of  a  negro 
then  free  has  survived.  A  class  of  free  negroes  began 
to  exist  almost  immediately  after  1700,  and  grew  stead 
ily  throughout  the  colonial  period,  but  their  status  was 
one  inferior  and  distinct.  They  did  not  have  the  right 
of  trial  by  jury  until  1776  at  the  earliest;  they  were 
forbidden  to  marry  white  people;  they  were  liable  to 
summary  regulation  if  they  failed  to  work;  and  their 
children  were  directly  subject  to  the  state  in  that  they 
were  bound  out  to  service  by  the  state  for  a  longer  time 
than  white  children  could  be  bound.31  These  restric 
tions  would  seem  to  indicate  that  free  negroes  were 
debarred  from  the  right  of  suffrage,  even  without  al 
lowing  for  the  fact  that  had  these  restrictions  not 
existed,  the  requisite  property  qualifications  would  have 
proved  a  barrier  almost  as  great.  Nowhere  has  there 
come  to  light  any  evidence  that  the  negro  ever  did  vote 
in  Pennsylvania  in  colonial  times.  There  is,  however, 
toward  the  end  of  the  period  strong  evidence  that  he 
did  not  vote.32 

After  1776  the  case  becomes  somewhat  less  clear. 

80  See  above,  p.    172,  note   13. 

81  See   above,  chap.   VII. 

32 Christopher  Marshall,  speaking  of  an  election  of  burgesses,  says:  "  This 
has  been  one  of  the  sharpest  contests  .  .  .  (that  has  been  for  a  number 
of  years)",  though  peaceable  "  except  some  small  disturbance  among  the 
Dutch  Occasioned  by  some  Unguarded  expressions  of  Joseph  Swift,  viz, 
that:  except  they  were  Naturalized  they  had  no  more  right  to  a  vote  than 
a  Negro  or  Indian  "...  MS.  Remembrancer,  May  i,  1776. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  179 

On  the  adoption  of  her  constitution  in  that  year  Penn 
sylvania  made  use  of  those  ardent  expressions,  that  all 
men  are  created  equally  free  and  independent,  and  that 
all  free  men  of  sufficient  interest  in  the  community  pos 
sess  the  right  to  share  in  the  government.83  In  the 
state  at  that  time  there  were  undoubtedly  many  free 
negroes ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  the 
constitution  meant  that  being  free  they  might  vote 
when  they  had  paid  the  required  taxes,  or  that  being 
free  men  they  might  become  freemen.  The  question 
was  not  then  raised,  so  that  the  men  who  framed  the 
constitution  left  no  explicit  interpretation.  There  are 
strong  indications,  however,  that  contemporaries  did 
not  interpret  the  suffrage  provision  to  include  negroes. 
One  of  the  clauses  of  this  constitution  lays  down  the 
fundamental  right  which  men  have  of  bearing  arms.*4 
In  1777  the  militia  law  limited  the  right  to  white 
males.35  During  the  early  years  of  the  Revolution  nu 
merous  acts  were  passed  limiting  the  privileges  of  citi 
zenship  to  such  men  as  were  loyal  to  the  new  govern 
ment.  No  less  than  six  of  these  "Test  Acts"  were 
passed  between  June,  1777,  and  October,  I779-M  In 
every  one  of  them  it  was  declared  that  the  oath  of 

33  Cf.  Journals  of  the  House,  1776-1781,  pp.  66,  90. 

34  "  That  the  people  have  a  right  to  bear  arms  for  the  defence  of  them 
selves   and  the   state."      Poore,   II,    1542. 

35  "  Every  male  white  person  "...    "  An  Act  to  Regulate  the  Militia 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,"  sect.  II,  Stat.  at  L.,  IX,  77  (1776- 
1777). 

"June  13,  1777,  Stat.  at  L.,  IX,  in;  Oct.  12,  1777,  ibid.,  IX,  148; 
Apr.  i,  1778,  ibid.,  IX,  239;  Sept.  10,  1778,  ibid.,  IX,  284;  Dec.  5,  1778, 
ibid.,  IX,  303;  Oct.  i,  1779,  ibid.,  IX,  405.  "And  be  it  ...  enacted 
.  .  .  That  every  person  .  .  .  refusing  or  neglecting  to  take  .  .  .  the  said 
oath  .  .  .  shall  ...  be  incapable  of  holding  any  office  or  place  of  trust 
in  this  state,  serving  on  juries  .  .  .  electing  or  being  elected  ..." 
Stat.  at  L.,  IX,  112. 


i8o  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

allegiance  was  to  be  administered  to  white  men.87  There 
seems  reason  to  believe,  then,  that  the  constitution  did 
not  grant  the  right  of  suffrage  to  negroes ;  and  that  it 
had  designedly  omitted  all  mention  of  them.88 

In  1780  the  act  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery 
made  use  of  expressions  which  might  be  construed  to 
favor  the  view  that  negroes  could  not  vote;89  but  this 
instrument  was  merely  an  act  of  assembly,  which  was 
designed  primarily  to  set  negroes  free  and  for  its  val 
idity  it  would  depend  on  the  meaning  of  the  constitu 
tion  then  in  force.40  It  is  true  that  the  opponents  of  this 
act  protested  that  it  would  allow  negroes  to  vote ;  but 
on  the  other  hand  there  appears  immediately  thereafter 
testimony  that  such  was  not  the  result.41 

The  constitution  of  1790  again  defined  the  qualifica 
tions  required  for  the  exercise  of  suffrage.  It  was  again 
asserted  that  all  men  were  born  equally  free  and  inde 
pendent,  and  that  every  eligible  freeman  should  enjoy 
the  rights  of  an  elector.42  As  to  this  definition  also  it 
was  the  opinion  of  those  best  able  to  decide,  that  the 
constitution  took  no  notice  of  negroes,  and  did  not 

37  "  All  male  white  inhabitants"  .  .  .    Ibid.,  IX,  in. 

38  "  The  framers  of  this  constitution  unquestionably  regarded  them  as 
a  degraded  race,  and  therefore  took  no  notice  of  them."     Speech  of  Mr. 
Sturdevant,  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  IX,  325. 

39  "  The  offences  and  crimes  of  negroes  and  mulattoes  as  well  slaves 
and  servants  and  freemen  "...  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  70.     This  might  indi 
cate  that  all  negroes  were  regarded  as  in  a  separate  class. 

40  Cf.  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  V,  424;  IX,  348,  363;  X,  20. 

tt  Benjamin  Rush,  than  whom  the  negro  had  no  better  friend  in  Penn 
sylvania,  speaking  of  this  act,  says  explicitly:  "  It  does  not  admit  free 
Negroes,  it  is  true,  to  the  privilege  of  voting,  but  then  it  exempts 
them  from  taxes.  A  free  Negro  is  in  a  safer  and  more  honorable  situa 
tion  in  Pennsylvania,  than  a  Quaker  who  has  not  submitted  to  the  test- 
law."  Considerations  upon  the  Present  Test-Law  of  Pennsylvania  (1784), 
13- 

42  Poore,  II,  1551,  1554. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  181 

mean  to  include  them  among  voters.48  It  would  seem, 
then,  that  negroes  had  no  right  to  vote  while  Pennsyl 
vania  was  a  colony,  nor  after  the  adoption  of  the  state 
constitutions,  unless  they  were  included  in  the  term 
"  freemen." 

A  free  man  was  by  no  means  necessarily  a  freeman. 
This  word  as  used  in  English  law  had  a  special  mean 
ing,  its  connotations  suggesting  much  more  than  a  man 
personally  free  from  servitude.  Such  an  one  had,  it 
is  true,  full  civil  rights,  and  was  entitled  to  protection 
of  the  laws  and  to  enjoyment  of  his  property.  These 
rights  free  negroes  undeniably  had  after  the  abolition 
act  of  1780.  But  only  such  a  man  as  had  exactly  the 
qualifications  prescribed  by  law  was  a  freeman,  and  so 
entitled  to  corporate  privileges  and  political  rights.  In 
England  for  four  centuries  after  1430  only  those  men 
could  vote  for  members  of  Parliament  who  had  a  forty 
shilling  freehold,  or  were  otherwise  specifically  quali 
fied.44  In  some  of  the  colonies  only  church  members  had 
been  permitted  to  vote.45  Thus  mere  possession  of  a  cer 
tain  amount  of  property  or  the  paying  of  certain  taxes 

43  Cf.  decision  of  Chief  Justice  Gibson  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Penn 
sylvania,  in  the  case  of  Hobbs  v.  Fogg  (1838),  6  Watts  559;  Opinion  of 
Judge  Fox-,  also  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  V,  422;  IX,  325-327,  358,  369;  X, 
53- 

44  8  Henry  VI,  c.  7.     Cf.  Maitland,  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
175- 

45 "  It  was  likewise  ordered  and  agreed  that  for  time  to  come  noe 
man  shalbe  admitted  to  the  freedome  of  this  body  polliticke,  but  such 
as  are  members  of  some  of  the  churches  within  the  lymitts  of  the  same." 
Rec.  Massachusetts  Bay,  I,  87  (1631).  Cf.  Osgood,  The  American  Col 
onies  in  the  Seventeenth  Century:  for  Massachusetts,  I,  154;  for  Con 
necticut,  I,  314;  for  New  Haven,  I,  325;  for  Rhode  Island,  I,  337,  340; 
but  cf.  I,  358.  Osgood  says:  "The  idea  of  freemanship  was  political  in 
its  nature,  .  .  .  Individuals  were  admitted  to  the  position  of  freemen  by 
vote  of  the  town,  and  only  persons  whom  the  town  fellowship  found  ac 
ceptable  attained  to  this  privilege."  Ibid.,  I,  464. 


182  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

was  not  sufficient.48  The  man  so  qualified,  although  he 
was  free,  was  not  by  virtue  of  such  qualifications  a 
freeman.  This  he  could  become  only  by  explicit  legal 
admission  either  as  an  individual  or  in  a  class  specified 
by  law.  In  Pennsylvania  such  enactment  had  never 
been  made  for  negroes ;  and  therefore  from  the  strictly 
legal  point  of  view  it  is  doubtful  whether  at  any  time 
down  to  1838,  free  negroes  could  be  freemen,  ^md  so 
have  the  right  to  vote.47 

On  the  other  hand  it  might  seem  that  when  the  con 
stitution  of  1776  said  that  all  free  men  properly  qualified 
might  vote,  it  included  free  negroes,  both  because  it 
said  all  free  men,  and  also  because  it  had  said  that  all 
men  were  born  equally  free  and  independent.  In  1780 
the  act  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery  declared 
that  free  negroes  were  in  all  respects  to  be  treated  as 
free  men  and  free  women.48  Free  white  men  who  ful- 

48  Rush,  speaking  in  1784  of  non-jurors  excluded  by  the  test-law,  said: 
"  They  complain  loudly  since  the  peace,  and  express  the  utmost  anxiety 
to  enjoy  the  privileges  of  a  freeman."  Considerations  upon  the  Present 
Test-Law  of  Pennsylvania,  15. 

47  That  this  was  the  interpretation  consistently  placed  upon  the  status 
of  the  free  negro  would  seem  to  be  shown  by  the  course  of  Federal  leg 
islation,  as  well  as  law  in  Pennsylvania,  since  1789.     The  United  States 
laws  governing  naturalization,  and  the  enrolling  of  a  militia,  had  limited 
these  privileges  to  white  men:  ..."  each  and  every  free  able-bodied  white 
male  citizen  of  the  respective  states  "  .  .  .  .  "An  Act  more  effectually  to 
provide    for   the    National    Defence   by   establishing  an    Uniform    Militia 
throughout  the  United  States."    Stat.  at  L.,  U.  S.,  Second  Congress,  sess. 
I.  c-   33    (1792).     Every  militia  law  passed  in   Pennsylvania   since    1790 
had  expressly  confined  enrollment  to  white  men.     Cf.  Acts  of  Assembly, 
i?93>  P-   394J   !799>  P-  427J   1802,  p.   208;  1807,  p.   205;   1814,  p.   320;  1821, 
p.  263;  1822,  p.  231.     "  Not  a  black  man  in  the  union  lifts  even  a  cooks- 
spit  to  help  to  defend  our  liberties,  (indeed  this  is  an  excellent  piece  of 
policy  not  to  permit  them  to  bear  arms)  "...     Branagan,  Serious  Re 
monstrances  (1805),  79,  80.     Cf.  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  V,  422;  IX,  325, 
326,  361. 

48  Cf.  the  charge  by  Judge  Baldwin  to  the  jury  in  the  case  of  Caleb 
Johnson  v.  John  Kinderdine,  and  others:  ..."  the  abolition  act  put  free 
blacks  on  the  footing  of  free  white  men  "...    Hazard's  Register,  XI, 
343- 


THE  SUFFRAGE  183 

filled  the  suffrage  requirements  possessed  the  right  to 
vote ;  then  free  negroes  fulfilling  the  requirements 
might  seem  in  like  manner  to  have  the  same  privilege. 
Circumstances  which  attended  the  passing  of  the  statute 
indicate  this.  The  abolition  act  did  not  have  unanimous 
approval.  In  1780  there  were  few  people  in  Pennsyl 
vania  who  supported  slavery ;  but  out  of  the  fifty-five 
members  who  voted,  twenty-one  voted  against  the  act 
and  registered  a  minority  protest.  This  protest  cate 
gorically  objected  to  the  fact  that  by  such  a  law  negroes 
would  receive  the  suffrage.48  The  constitution  of  1790 
reasserted  the  fundamental  principles  of  human  liberty 
expressed  in  1776;  and  at  the  same  time  did  not  ex 
plicitly  exclude  negroes  from  voting.  Many  years  later 
it  was  said  that  soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitu 
tion  a  legal  opinion  was  given  that  negroes  could  vote.80 
The  strongest  of  all  arguments  in  support  of  negro 
suffrage  is  the  fact  that  negroes  had  been  voting  in 
Pennsylvania  for  a  long  time  before  the  controversy 
arose.  The  practice  would  go  far  to  show  that  they  had 

49  "3rd.      Because,   .   .   .   we  could  not  agree  to  their  being  made   free 
citizens  in  so  extensive  a  manner  as  this  law  proposes;  we  think  they 
would  have  been  well  satisfied  .  .  .  had  these  unhappy  people  been  per 
mitted  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  labor,  and  been  protected  in  their  lives 
and  property,  in  the  manner  white  persons  are,  without  giving  them  the 
right  of  voting  for,  and  being  voted  into  offices,  .  .  .  We  think  that  future 
legislatures  might  have  added  to  their  privileges  .  .  .  with  much  more  pro 
priety  than  they  could  abridge  them,  should  they  be  found  too  extensive 
after  being  fixed  by  a  fundamental  law."     Journals  of  the  House  1776- 
1781,  p.  436. 

50  In  the   Convention  of    1837-1838   Mr.   Hopkinson  said  that  he   recol 
lected  that  soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  "  at  a  very  heated 
election   in  their  city,  the  question  of  negro   suffrage   was   raised.      The 
judges  of  the  election  were  at  fault  and  took  the  opinion  of  eminent  law 
yers — two  of  them  were,  Mr.  Lewis,  and  Mr.  Rawle,  and  Mr.  H.  thought 
that  a  third  was  Mr.  Ingersoll;  and  they  concurred  in  affirming  the  right 
of  suffrage  to  the  negro.    It  must  be  remembered  that  two  of  these  gen 
tlemen    were   members   of   the    convention    who   made   the    constitution." 
Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  X,  97.     Lewis  and  Rawle  were  abolitionists. 


i&L  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

been  regarded  as  freemen  under  the  constitution  of 
Pennsylvania.  This  argument,  which  was  the  most  con 
vincing  one  urged  by  advocates  in  the  Convention  of 
1837-1838,  was  challenged  only  from  the  standpoint  of 
legality,  and  was  not  disputed  as  to  fact.  It  was  possi 
ble  then  to  accumulate  some  evidence.  A  search  over 
the  period  in  question  reveals  much  more. 

In  1796  the  Senate  of  Pennsylvania  received  a  peti 
tion  from  citizens  of  Huntingdon  County  asking  for  a 
law  to  compel  masters  of  negro  servants  to  give  them 
sufficient  education,  since  many  negroes  were  ill  fitted 
to  exercise  the  privileges  of  citizenship  to  which  they 
had  been  admitted.51  In  1807  when  a  proposed  law  for 
the  regulation  of  negroes  was  being  debated  in  the 
Senate,52  two  members  moved  to  exempt  from  the  re 
strictions  contemplated  in  a  certain  clause  such  negroes 
and  mulattoes  as  were  legal  voters.58  In  1819  a  traveller 
observed  that  every  citizen  could  vote  in  Pennsylvania 
when  he  had  paid  the  county  tax.54  Somewhat  later  it 
became  a  matter  of  comment  that  in  elections  held  in 
different  places  there  was  a  great  deal  of  irregularity 
as  to  suffrage  requirements.  What  constituted  some 
of  this  irregularity  may  be  learned  from  a  message  of 
Governor  Shulze  in  1826,  when  he  asked  whether  negro 
votes  were  not  accepted  in  one  district  and  rejected  in 
another.55  In  1836  John  Denny  admitted  that  in  parts 

51  J.  of  S.,  1795-1796,  p.  43- 

82  "  An  Act  respecting  black  and  mulattoe  persons." 

53  Motion  of  Mr.  Wayne  of  Chester  Co.  and  Mr.  Sommer  of  Phila.  Co. 
to  amend  section  II  by  exempting  "  those  "  (black  and  mulattoe  persons) 
"who  heretofore  have  been  and  now  are  legal  voters;  AND  who  shall 
hereafter  become  legal  voters."  /.  of  S.,  1806-1807,  PP-  296»  297« 

64  Johnson,  Letters  from  the  British  Settlement  in  Pennsylvania,  125. 

86  "  Is  the  term  freeman,  so  construed  in  one  district  as  totally  to  ex 
clude,  and  in  another  freely  to  admit  persons  of  colour  to  exercise  the 
right  of  suffrage?  "  4  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  663,  664. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  185 

of  Pennsylvania  negroes  shared  in  political  privileges, 
although  he  believed  that  it  was  unlawful  for  them  to 
do  so.58  In  1838  it  became  known  that  they  had  voted 
in  at  least  seven  counties."  That  they  had  never  been 
allowed  to  vote  in  Philadelphia  was  asserted  in  the  de 
bates  of  the  Convention,  and  this  seems  to  be  true ;  but 
it  was  admitted  that  they  were  excluded  because  the 
officials  in  that  city  purposely  failed  to  assess  them  for 
taxes.58  In  1833  there  appeared  in  one  of  the  Philadel 
phia  papers  a  very  detailed  account  of  the  qualifications 
prescribed  for  the  suffrage ;  in  this  nothing  was  said 
about  the  exclusion  of  blacks.59  Hence  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  if  negroes  did  not  generally  vote  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  yet  the  practice  was  by  no  means  unusual.60 
Accordingly  the  questions  which  came  for  decision 

56  "  In  some  districts  of  Pennsylvania  that  class  is  admitted  to  some 
share  of  political  privileges."  Denny,  An  Essay  on  the  Political  Grade 
of  the  Free  Coloured  Population  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania,  51. 

87  Allegheny,   Bucks,  Dauphin,  Cumberland,  York,  Juniata,  Westmore 
land.    Speech  of  Mr.  M'Cahen,  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  IX,  380.    Mr.  Brown, 
of  Philadelphia,  said  that  he  believed  that  some  hundreds  voted  in  York 
County,  thirty  or  forty  in  Bucks  County,  and  many  others  in  various  parts 
of  the  state.     Ibid.,  Ill,  90.     But  it  was  acknowledged  that  "  The  right 
of  the  coloured  taxable  inhabitant  to  vote  (if  it  be  a  right)  is  a  very  pre 
carious  one  indeed;  it  is  rarely,  if  ever,  exercised  by  them."    Speech  of 
Mr.   Reigart,  ibid.,  IX,   375. 

88  Ibid.,  Ill,  83.     On  this  device  for  the  exclusion  of  voters,  see  Phila. 
Gazette,  Oct.  30,  1812;  U.  S.  Gazette,  Oct.  9,  1832;  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv., 
Ill,  88. 

58  Inquirer,  Oct.  7,  1833. 

60  "  The  right  of  the  former  "  (negroes)  "  to  exercise  the  privilege  ot 
voting  at  elections,  was  formerly  enjoyed,  in  some  parts  of  the  state,  but 
denied  in  other  parts.  As  the  number  of  the  colored  population,  however, 
increased,  public  inquiry  and  opposition  to  its  enjoyment  were  excited." 
Report  of  Committee  of  the  House,  June  24,  1839  (H.  S.  P.),  p.  5. 
"  Persons  of  colour  resident  in  the  State,  although  free,  and  assessed, 
and  paying  taxes,  are  denied  the  privilege  of  voting.  Before  the  amend 
ment  there  were  no  specific  words  excluding  them,  but  few  ventured  to 
claim  the  privilege,  so  inveterate  is  the  prejudice  against  them."  Combe, 
Notes,  I,  297,  298. 


186  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

before  the  courts  and  the  Convention  in  1837-1838, 
whether  free  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  were  legally  en 
titled  to  vote,  and  whether  it  was  possible  for  free  ne 
groes  to  acquire  full  rights  of  citizenship  under  the 
constitution  of  that  state,  were  beset  with  great  diffi 
culties  ;  and  it  is  not  easy  to  come  to  a  decision  now. 
On  the  one  hand  the  negro  had  certainly  voted  for  a 
number  of  years ;  on  the  other  hand  the  practice  had 
never  been  universal  or  unquestioned.81  If  his  cham 
pions  could  point  to  the  fact  that  he  had  never  in  so 
many  words  been  excluded,  those  who  opposed  them 
could  with  equal  truth  assert  that  he  had  never  been 
specifically  admitted.63  For  the  one  it  is  necessary  to 
acknowledge  that  in  construing  the  vaguely  compre 
hensive  words  of  the  constitutions  of  Pennsylvania 
there  were  precedents  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
and  analogies  in  the  documents  of  some  of  the  states, 
which  favored  such  an  interpretation  as  would  include 
the  negro  among  freemen  ;w  but  for  the  other  it  can  be 
said  that  colonial  usage,  and  the  mass  of  both  precedent 
and  practice  in  Pennsylvania,  in  other  states,  and  in  the 
United  States,  seemed  to  favor  the  narrower  and 
stricter  view.  After  all  the  argument  can  be  narrowed 

61  Denny,    speaking   about   negro   suffrage,   says:    "This   however   is   a 
mere  gratuity,  and  often  of  but  transient  enjoyment — the  suspension  of  a 
disability  which  the  constitution  imposes,  through  the  tenderness  of  those 
who  happen  to  be  entrusted,  for  the  time,  with  its  local  administration." 
Political  Grade,  51. 

62  Cf.  the  decision  in  the  case  of  Foremans  v.  Tamm   (1853),  in  which 
it  was  remarked  that  as  to  suffrage  the  negroes  must  be  content  until  the 
white  people  who  had  founded  the  colony  "  think  proper  to  admit  "  (them) 
"  into  political  partnership."     i   Grant  23. 

68  Cf.  the  opinions  of  Justices  McLean  and  Curtis  in  the  Dred  Scott 
case,  14  Howard  538,  572,  582.  See  also  Livermore,  Historical  Research 
respecting  the  Opinions  of  the  Founders  of  the  Republic  on  Negroes  as 
Slaves,  as  Citizens,  and  as  Soldiers. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  187 

down  to  one  point.  The  negro  in  Pennsylvania  was 
legally  entitled  to  vote  if  the  constitution  of  the  state 
gave  him  that  right.  The  constitution  of  1790  gave  it 
to  freemen.  If  the  negro  was  a  freeman,  then  the 
suffrage  was  his.  Upon  this  point  every  argument  con 
verges.  But  upon  close  examination  it  appears  that  the 
word  "freeman"  had  a  special  meaning  in  Pennsylvania 
as  elsewhere ;  and  that  while  the  privilege  conferred  by 
this  word  could  have  been  granted  to  the  negro,  such 
grant  had  never  been  made. 

This  conclusion  had  been  previously  worked  out  by 
a  careful  writer,  John  Denny.  Alarmed  at  the  influx 
of  negroes  into  Pennsylvania,  and  realizing  that  if  they 
were  citizens  of  the  United  States  the  influx  was  not 
to  be  prevented,  and  that  if  they  became  citizens  of 
Pennsylvania  they  were  not  to  be  expelled,  Denny  be 
gan  an  investigation,  in  the  course  of  which  he  con 
cluded,  substantially  for  the  reasons  afterwards  given 
by  Judge  Fox  and  others,  that  a  negro  could  become  a 
citizen  by  common  law,  that  is,  hold  property  and  be 
taxed,  but  that  he  was  as  yet  an  alien  in  regard  to 
political  privileges.84  Previous  to  publication  he  sub 
mitted  his  book  to  John  Marshall,  who  granted  to  its 
thesis  the  great  weight  of  his  approval.88 

On  the  same  argument  was  based  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  While  the  suffrage 
question  was  being  argued  in  the  Convention  there  had 
come  before  the  Supreme  Court  for  final  decision  a  case 
which  up  to  that  time  had  attracted  little  attention, 

64  Denny,  An  Essay  on  the  Political  Grade  of  the  Free  Coloured  Pop 
ulation  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Constitution 
of  Pennsylvania,  13-28,  52-56,  and  passim. 

w '  The  sentiment  it  conveys  appears  to  me,  to  be  perfectly  sovmd." 
Letter  to  the  author,  Oct.  24,  1834,  ibid.,  preface. 


i88  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

although  it  had  been  pending  for  some  years.96  In  Octo 
ber,  1835,  in  Luzerne  County  a  negro  named  Fogg,  who 
admittedly  possessed  the  necessary  qualifications  of 
residence  and  taxable  property,  endeavored  to  vote,  and 
was  refused.67  When  the  negro  sued  in  the  County 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  Judge  Scott,  who  said  that  he 
knew  of  nothing  in  the  constitution  or  the  laws  of  either 
the  United  States  or  Pennsylvania,  which  prohibited  a 
negro  otherwise  qualified  from  voting,  charged  the  jury 
to  bring  in  a  verdict  for  the  plaintiff.68  The  case  was 
then  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  in  1838  the 
opinion  of  the  court,  as  given  by  Chief  Justice  Gibson, 
was  that  a  negro  was  not  a  freeman,  and  was  not  en 
titled  to  vote  under  the  existing  constitution  of  the 
state.89 


w  It  is  not  improbable  that  a  number  of  negroes  brought  the  matter 
before  the  courts.  In  addition  to  the  cases  mentioned  there  is  an  allu 
sion  to  a  decision  given  against  James  Forten  in  1838.  Cf.  Marryat, 
Diary  in  America,  I,  150. 

07  6  Watts  553. 

68  6  Watts  554. 

68  "  The  fallacy  of  it  "  (the  right  of  the  negro  to  vote)  "  is  its  assump 
tion  that  the  term  freedom  signifies  nothing  but  exemption  from  involun 
tary  service;  and  that  it  has  not  a  legal  signification  more  specific."  6 
Watts  556.  The  Chief  Justice  asserted  that  freedom  of  a  municipal  cor 
poration  or  of  a  body  politic  implied  fellowship  and  participation  in  cor 
porate  right;  that  one  might  be  free  and  bound  by  the  laws  of  a 
community,  and  yet  not  be  a  freeman  in  respect  of  its  government;  that 
courts  had  refused  to  acknowledge  that  inheritance  of  property,  or  the 
paying  of  scot  and  lot,  gave  incidental  right  to  corporate  freedom;  and  that 
such  freedom  must  be  derived  from  prescription  or  grant.  Hobbs  and 
others  v.  Fogg,  6  Watts  553-560.  For  an  excellent  discussion  cf.  editorial 
in  Public  Ledger,  July  24,  1857.  Chief  Justice  Gibson  tried  to  strengthen 
his  decision  by  alleging  a  similar  decision  of  the  High  Court  of  Errors 
and  Appeals  of  Pennsylvania,  according  to  which  the  negro  had  been  ex 
cluded  from  the  suffrage,  he  said,  about  1795.  He  was  able  to  find  no 
record  of  this  decision,  but  quoted  from  the  memory  of  a  friend.  Cf. 
6  Watts  555.  Stroud,  who  made  a  thorough  search  afterwards,  could 
find  no  record,  and  supposed  that  the  idea  had  arisen  from  an  indistinct 
recollection  of  the  dissimilar  case  of  Negro  Flora  v.  Joseph  Graisberry. 
Stroud,  Laws  of  Slavery,  227,  228  (note).  See  above,  p.  82.  As  to  the 
element  of  doubt  in  the  decision  of  the  Chief  Justice,  cf.  Goines  v.  M'Cand- 


THE  SUFFRAGE  189 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  at  this  time  many  people, 
some  of  them  like  Judge  Scott  of  very  respectable  at 
tainments,  sincerely  believed  that  the  negro  had  a  legal 
right  to  vote.70  Indeed  the  whole  matter  was  so  doubt 
ful  that  it  was  afterwards  asserted  that  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  had  desired  to  wait  until  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  was  given,  and  that  the  Supreme 
Court  had  deliberately  withheld  the  decision  until  the 
suffrage  article  in  the  constitution  had  been  changed.71 
Nevertheless  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  from 
the  standpoint  of  strict  legality  the  adverse  decision  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Supreme  Court  in  1838  was  correct. 
It  is  true  a  liberal  interpretation  might  have  been  given, 
as  in  Massachusetts,  and  as  had  been  the  case  in  parts 
of  Pennsylvania.  This  was  not  done,  it  would  seem, 
because  negro  citizenship  was  not  desired.  The  really 
decisive  factors,  in  the  Convention  at  any  rate,  were  the 
general  dislike  of  the  negro  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
general  prejudice  against  him. 

As  the  weeks  wore  on  these  feelings  had  come  to  be 
uppermost  in  the  minds  of  a  great  many  of  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Convention.  Interspersed  with  the  legal 
arguments  there  came  an  ever  increasing  volume  of 
impassioned  defense  and  violent  abuse,  of  pleading, 
ridicule  and  scorn.  It  was  said  that  the  negro  was 
peaceable,  law-abiding,  and  progressive ;  that  he  was  a 
worthy  citizen,  and  loved  his  state ;  and  that  his  rights 

less,  4  Phila.  Rep.  257.  "  The  decision  thus  made  was  virtually  ratified 
not  long  afterwards,  as  that  which  the  people  of  this  State  meant  should 
be  the  supreme  law,  if  it  was  not  so  already,  by  the  introduction  of  the 
word  '  white  '  before  the  term  freemen  ...  in  our  present  constitution." 

70  "  There  are  a  great  many  in  Pennsylvania  who  believe  that  every 
one  born  in  this  State,  has  a  right  to  vote."     Speech  of  Mr.  Dickey,  Pro. 
and  Deb.  Conv.,  X,  66. 

71  Letter  of  "  Senex,"  in  Pennsylvanian,  Apr.   17,   1857. 


ipo  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

were  sacred  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man.  It  was  just 
as  fiercely  urged  that  he  had  made  no  progress,  and 
was  unable  to  make  any ;  that  he  was  an  inferior  and 
degraded  being ;  that  he  was  naturally  lawless  and  idle, 
and  so  filled  the  jails  and  the  poor-houses ;  and  that  to 
allow  him  to  vote  would  do  irreparable  injury  to  Penn 
sylvania,  since  it  would  attract  to  the  state  vast  hordes 
of  lawless  negroes  to  swell  the  crowds  already  settled 
there."  After  a  while  it  became  evident  that  the  ques 
tion  would  be  decided  largely  in  accordance  with  these 
arguments ;  and  on  January  20,  1838,  the  amendment 
that  only  white  freemen  could  vote,  was  carried  by  a 
vote  of  77  to  45. 73  At  the  October  elections  the  new 
constitution  was  ratified.74  From  this  time  no  negroes 
voted  in  Pennsylvania  until  after  the  Civil  War,  and 
the  constitution  was  not  changed  until  1873." 

This  definite  settlement  of  the  question  in  1838,  which 
met  with  very  general  and  hearty  approval78  was  yet 

n  Cf.  Pennsylvanian,  Jan.   21,    1838. 

13  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  X,  106.  A  comparison  of  the  names  of  the 
members  who  voted,  with  a  list  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  Con 
vention  shows  that  at  least  fifty-seven  Democrats  voted  for  the  amend 
ment.  Cf.  (Carlisle)  American  Volunteer,  Mar.  i,  1838.  For  the  amended 
article,  cf.  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  XIII,  239,  240;  Poore,.  II,  1560.  1561. 
Mr.  Scott  tried  unsuccessfully  to  have  added  an  amendment  that  suffrage 
might  be  extended  to  eligible  negroes  at  any  time  after  1860  by  a  law 
passed  at  any  two  successive  annual  sessions  of  the  Legislature.  Pro. 
and  Deb.  Conv.,  X,  106,  107.  Mr.  Dunlap  wanted  such  an  amendment 
that  those  who  could  not  vote  should  not  be  taxed.  Ibid.,  X,  in.  After 
a  long  discussion  this  was  lost  36  to  86.  Ibid.,  X,  125.  Mr.  Merrill's 
proposition  to  give  a  vote  to  native  negroes  properly  qualified  was  lost 
26  to  91.  Ibid.,  X,  128. 

Ti  "3»  97i  for,  112,  759  against.     Ibid.,  XIII,  260,  261. 

is  "  Every  male  citizen,"  etc.    Poore,  II,  1583. 

78  "  We  are  at  least  tolerably  sure  that  nine  tenths  of  the  people,  of 
Pennsylvania  are  opposed  to  granting  equal  political  privileges  to  the  ne 
gro  race — such,  we  are  positive,  is  the  case  with  that  proportion  of  the 
people  of  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia."  Pennsylvanian,  Jan.  20, 
1838.  Cf.  Pennsylvanian,  Jan.  21,  Mar.  6,  1838;  American  Daily  Adver 
tiser,  Oct.  i,  1838;  Crawford  Democrat,  Jan.  30,  1838;  Harrisburger 
Morgenrothe,  Feb.  i,  1838;  (Carlisle)  American  Volunteer,  Mar.  i,  1838. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  191 

opposed  by  the  friends  of  the  negro,  while  they  them 
selves  believed  that  they  were  the  victims  of  fatal  wrong 
and  oppression.  Shortly  after  the  assembling  of  the 
Convention  the  negroes  of  Pittsburg  had  sent  up  a  peti 
tion  against  exclusion,  stating  their  merits  and  rights." 
This  petition  because  of  its  apparently  overbearing 
tone  had  aroused  strong  feeling  in  the  Convention.78 
During  the  course  of  the  debates  other  negroes  sent  pe 
titions,  though  not  a  great  many;79  but  after  the  deci 
sion  had  been  made,  and  after  the  wide-spread  discus 
sion  had  brought  to  them  keen  realization  of  what  they 
had  lost,  they  and  those  who  sympathized  with  them  set 
to  work  with  an  energy  which  abated  little  during  the 
next  twenty  years,  and  which  kept  the  subject  alive 
down  to  the  time  of  the  Civil  War.  They  held  meet 
ings,  they  adopted  resolutions,  they  argued,  they  issued 
broadsides  and  pamphlets.80  In  addition  there  was  sent 
to  the  Legislature  an  endless  stream  of  memorials  and 
petitions,  which  at  times  swelled  into  a  veritable  flood." 

77  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  Ill,  685-701. 

78  Ibid.,  Ill,  685,  686,  693,  694-701. 
"  Cf.  ibid.,  IX,  379. 

80  See  for  example  the  Appeal  of  Forty  Thousand  Citizens,  Threatened 
with  Disfranchisement,  to  the  People  of  Pennsylvania  (1838)),  which  after 
appealing  to  the  people  of  the  state  from  the  Convention  which  has 
robbed  them  of  their  rights,  tells  of  the  property  they  own,  how 
worthily  they  have  behaved,  and  how  much  progress  they  have  made. 

81 7.  of  S.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  409,  423,  452;  7.  of  H.t  1840,  vol.  I,  292, 
569;  7.  of  H.,  1841,  vol.  I,  343,  472;  7.  of  S.,  1841,  vol.  I,  84,  162; 
7.  of  H.,  1842,  vol.  I,  592,  593;  7.  of  S.,  1842,  vol.  I,  359,  533;  7.  of  S., 
1842-1843,  pp.  355,  459;  7.  of  H.,  1843,  PP-  313,  3i4,  489.  894;  7.  of  H., 

1844,  vol.  I,  131,  172,  213,  261;  7.  of  S.,  1844,  vol.  I,  202,  362;  7.  of  S., 

1845,  vol.  I,  178-181,  248;  7.  of  H.,  1846,  vol.  I,  39,  54,  326;  7.  of  S.,  1846, 
vol.  I,  227;  7.  of  H.,  1847,  vol.  I,  415;  7.  of  S.,  1847,  p.  447;  7.  of  S.,  1848, 
vol.  I,  38,  64,  217,  240,  319,  434,  453,  467;  7.  of  H.,  1849,  vol.  I,  101,  124, 
152,  242,  302,  704;  7.  of  S.,  1849,  vol.  I,  113,  133,  159,  182,  237,  266, 
277,  286,  297,  322,  329,  372,  380,  402,  536,  626,  685;  7.  of  H.,  1850,  vol.  I, 
88,  114,  137,  155,  3775  7.  of  S.,  1850,  vol.  I,  97,  120,  212,  389,  479,  547, 
588,  707;  7.  of  H.,  1851,  vol.  I,  234,  265;  7.  of  S.,  1851,  vol.  I,  211,  246; 


192  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

All  this  was  in  vain.82  Occasionally  a  proposition  was 
made  to  amend  the  constitution,  or  a  bill  was  intro 
duced  to  effect  enfranchisement,  but  no  consideration 
could  be  gained.83  It  was  thought  to  be  an  especial  hard 
ship  that  tax-paying  negroes  should  be  thus  excluded, 
but  even  for  this  no  remedy  was  allowed.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  disability  was  felt  very  keenly  by  those 
negroes,  who  because  of  their  education,  their  oppor 
tunities,  and  their  ownership  of  property,  were  fully 
qualified  to  vote.84  They  even  founded  an  association 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  winning  complete  citizen 
ship  by  appeals  to  the  voters  of  the  state.85  But  they  did 
this  to  no  purpose,  for  the  majority  of  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania  had  decided  that  negroes  were  not  to  be 
so  encouraged ;  and  to  this  decision  they  held  unswerv 
ingly  throughout  the  period  under  consideration. 
And  so,  if  from  1800  to  1838  the  negro  in  Pennsyl- 

7.  of  H.,  1855,  p.  193;  7.  of  S.,  1855,  pp.  147,  371,  419;  7.  of  H., 
1856,  p.  674;  7.  of  S.,  1859,  pp.  650,  736,  780;  7.  of  H.,  1860,  p.  347- 
This  last  petition  was  made  by  three  thousand  "  native  colored  citizens  " 
of  Pennsylvania. 

82  Cf.  7.  of  H.,  1846,  vol.  I,  54;  7.  of  S.,  1848,  vol.  I,  197;  7.  of  S.,  1849, 
vol.  I,  176;  7.  of  H.,  1850,  vol.  I,  559. 

83  7.  of  H.,  1855,  pp.  1 06,  1 1 8,  131;    7.  of  S.,  1845,  vol.  I,  178;  7.  of  S., 
1855,  p.  147;  7.  of  S.,  1859,  p.  415- 

84  "  The  conviction  .  .  .  that  they  are  politically  disfranchised,  and  that 
they  are  to  remain  a  degraded  caste,  has  sunk  into  the  depths  of  their 
hearts,  quenching  every  noble  aspiration,  repressing  every  manly  effort, 
and  crushing  their  spirits  to  the  earth."    Report  on  Colonization  by  Select 
Committee  of  the  House,  Legislative  Documents,  1854,  p.  582.     See  also 
the  bitter  complaint  of  the  negroes  of  Philadelphia  about  disfranchisement, 
where  they  say  that  the  Reform  Convention  "  robbed  us  of  those  rights 
we  had  enjoyed  under  the  Constitution  for  47  years  "...  ;  and  in  which 
they  say  that  now  they  are  a  prey  to  tyranny,  that  they  are  assaulted,  in 
sulted,  and  dragged  before  magistrates.     Memorial  of  Thirty  Thousand 
Disfranchised    Citizens   of  Philadelphia,    to    the   Honorable   Senate   and 
House  of  Representatives  (1855),  i,  2. 

86  Minutes  of  the  State  Convention  of  the  Coloured  Citizens  of  Penn 
sylvania,  Convened  at  Harrisburg,  etc.  (1849),  22,  23. 


THE  SUFFRAGE  193 

vania  was  the  object  of  continually  increasing  prejudice 
and  discrimination,  after  that  year  his  condition  was 
worse,  because  of  his  definitely  recognized  position  of 
semi-citizenship,  and  because  politically  he  was  help 
less  and  null.  It  was  now  seen  that  they  who  in  1780 
predicted  that  Pennsylvania  was  giving  to  her  new 
negro  citizens  privileges  too  many  and  too  great,  and 
who  said  then  that  the  state  would  one  day  lament  such 
liberality,  were  so  far  correct/,  that  at  the  end  of  fifty- 
eight  years  many  believed  that  these  privileges  should 
be  taken  back,  while  most  people  asserted  that  the 
grant  had  never  been  made. 


CHAPTER  XL 
DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION. 

THE  definite  denial  of  suffrage  to  the  negroes  of 
Pennsylvania  was  the  most  conspicuous  as  well  as  the 
most  successful  attempt  to  keep  their  status  distinct  and 
lower  than  the  white  man's,  but  it  was  not  the  only  at 
tempt  made.  Similar  efforts  were  directed  toward  pre 
venting  intermarriage  of  the  races,  reducing  the  legal 
rights  of  negroes,  and  abridging  their  privileges. 
Although  most  of  these  efforts  failed  of  accomplish 
ment,  none  were  without  influence  in  depressing  the 
condition  of  the  colored  people,  and  all  are  significant 
of  the  hostile  feelings  prevalent  in  the  state. 

Against  intermarriage  a  long  fight  was  waged.  Dur 
ing  colonial  times  mingling  of  the  races  in  Pennsylvania 
had  been  forbidden  by  a  stringent  law,1  but  this  law  was 
one  among  others  affecting  the  negro  which  was  re 
pealed  in  I78o.2  Shortly  after  that  year  a  few  cases  of 
mixed  marriage  are  mentioned,  and  in  1788  there  are 
said  to  have  been  two  such  couples  at  Pittsburg,  one  of 
them  occupying  a  respectable  position.8  In  1805  Thomas 
Branagan  complained  that  intermarriage  had  become 
common,  that  many  white  women  were  seduced  by 
negro  men  who  then  married  them,  and  that  mulatto 

1  1725-1726.     See  above,  p.  30. 

2  See  above,  p.  78,  note  40,  and  p.  79. 

3  "  Cette  famille  est  une  des  plus  respectables  de  cette  ville.'*  Brissot 
de  Warville,  Nouveau  Voyage,  33,  34  (note). 

194 


DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION          195 

children  by  white  women  were  numerous.4  These  state 
ments  were  no  doubt  exaggerations,  but  there  was 
probably  some  basis  for  them.8 

After  a  while  a  strong  feeling  was  aroused,  so  that 
in  1821  a  petition  was  sent  to  the  Legislature,  asking 
that  mixed  marriages  be  declared  void,  and  that  it  be 
made  a  penal  act  for  a  negro  to  marry  a  white  man's 
daughter.8  In  1834  such  a  marriage  provoked  a  riot  at 
Columbia  ;  while  in  1838  the  subject  caused  a  vehement 
outburst  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  then  assem 
bled.7  Three  years  later  a  bill  to  prevent  intermarriage 
was  passed  in  the  House,  but  lost  in  the  Senate.8  From 
time  to  time  thereafter  petitions  were  sent  to  the  Legis- 

4  "  There  are  many,  very  many  blacks,  who  .  .  .  begin  to  feel  themselves 
consequential,  .  .  .  will  not  be  satisfied  unless  they  get  white  women  for 
wives,  and  are  likewise  exceedingly  impertinent  to  white  people  in  low 
circumstances."  Branagan,  Serious  Remonstrances,  70,  71. 

5 "  I  solemnly  declare,  I  have  seen  more  white  women  married  to, 
and  deluded  through  the  arts  of  seduction  by  negroes  in  one  year  in 
Philadelphia,  than  for  the  eight  years  I  was  visiting  "  [West  Indies  and 
the  Southern  States].  Branagan,  Serious  Remonstrances,  73.  "  I  know 
a  black  man  who  seduced  a  young  white  girl  .  .  .  who  soon  after  married 
him,  and  died  with  a  broken  heart;  on  her  death  he  said  he  would  not 
disgrace  himself  to  have  a  negro  wife,  and  acted  accordingly,  for  he  soon 
after  married  another  white  woman."  Ibid.,  74,  75.  "  There  are  perhaps 
hundreds  of  white  women  thus  fascinated  by  black  men  in  this  city,  and 
there  are  thousands  of  black  children  by  them  at  present  "...  Ibid.,  73. 
Also  ibid.,  68,  69,  73,  74,  75,  102.  Cf.  advertisement  in  Somerset  Whig, 
Mar.  12,  1818;  also  article  "A  Negro  Wife  Wanted,"  in  Union  Times, 
Aug.  15,  1834. 

6  Petition  from  Greene  County  saying  that  many  negroes  have  settled 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  that  "  they  have  been  able  to  seduce  into  marriage, 
the  minor  children  of  the  white  inhabitants  "...     J.  of  S.,  1820-1821,  p. 
213.     Cf.  American  Daily  Advertiser,  Jan.  23,  1821. 

7  Columbia  Spy,  Oct.  2,   1834,  in  Inquirer,  Oct.  7,  1834.     In  the  Con 
vention   Mr.    Woodward   said:    "  Shall   we  then   amalgamate   with   them, 
marry  and  intermarry  with  them  .  .  .?    God  forbid  it."     Pro.  and  Deb. 
Conv,.  X,  23.     Cf.  Remarks  of  Dr.  J.  R.  Burden,  n,  12. 

8  7.  of  H.,  1841,  vol.  I,  83,  193-194.  The  marriages  were  to  be  declared 
void,  and  a  penalty  of  $500  was  to  be  imposed.     (Gettysburg)     Adams 
Sentinel,  Feb.  i,  1841. 


ip6  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

lature,  but  no  action  was  taken;  the  obnoxious  mar 
riages  continuing  to  be  reported,  and  even  being 
encouraged  by  some  extreme  advocates  of  race  equal 
ity."  Nevertheless  what  the  law  left  undone  was 
largely  accomplished  by  public  sentiment  and  private 
action.10  As  time  went  on  marriages  of  white  people 
with  negroes  came  to  be  considered  increasingly  odious, 
and  so  became  far  less  frequent.  When  a  case  occurred, 
it  was  usually  followed  by  swift  action  and  dire 
vengeance.  The  fact  that  a  white  man  was  living  with 
a  negro  wife  was  one  of  the  causes  of  the  terrible  riot 
in  Philadelphia  in  1849." 

In  melancholy  contrast  with  the  feeling  against  mixed 
marriages  was  the  lack  of  spirit  manifested  in  the  strug 
gle  against  an  evil  which  was  far  more  widespread  and, 
to  thoughtful  people,  no  less  alarming.  Public  opinion 
would  not  tolerate  the  marriages  of  white  people  with 
blacks,  yet  all  the  while  illicit  and  clandestine  inter 
mingling  was  going  on,  until  toward  the  end  of  the 
period  it  had  assumed  enormous  proportions.  In 
colonial  times  the  law  had  tried  to  check  amalgamation ; 
but  the  large  number  of  mulattoes  bears  mournful  testi 
mony  to  its  failure.12  When  after  1780  the  restrictions 
had  been  removed,  and  when  through  immigration 
from  the  South  the  number  of  negroes  had  become  much 
larger,  there  was  a  very  great  increase  in  the  evil.13 

9  J.  of  H.,  1860,  p.  237;  J.  of  S.,  1860,  p.  121 ;  North  American,  June  29, 
1859;  American  Sentinel,  Oct.  25,  1838. 

10  Cf.    (Harrisburg)   Pennsylvania  Telegraph,   Mar.   9,    1842. 

11  See  above,  p.   164,  note  88. 

12  See  above,  p.  31. 

13  "  In  Philadelphia  alone  there  are  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  blacks 
and  mulattoes,  numbers  of  them  children  of  white  women  of  easy  virtue." 
Branagan,  Serious  Remonstrances  (1805),  45.     Cf.  J.  of  H.,  1802-1803,  pp. 
259,  260;  U.  S.  Gazette,  Nov.  10,  1832. 


DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION          197 

There  is  one  decisive  proof  of  this :  mulattoes  were 
numerous  in  Pennsylvania  throughout  the  whole  period. 
In  1860  it  was  estimated  that  they  made  up  one-third 
of  the  entire  colored  population  of  the  state.14 

Meanwhile  there  was  a  tendency  to  maintain  that  the 
negro's  political  inferiority  involved  an  abridgment  of 
his  legal  rights.  Shortly  before  1853  a  certain  negro, 
Tamm,  had  occupied  vacant  land  in  the  commonwealth, 
admittedly  with  the  intention  of  making  it  his  home 
and  raising  a  family  there.  To  this  land  he  acquired  a 
title  by  preemption  ;  but  a  short  time  afterwards  he  was 
ejected  by  Foremans,  a  white  man,  who  asserted  that  a 
negro  could  gain  no  title  to  such  land,  since,  not  being 
a  citizen,  he  was  not  included  in  the  meaning  of  the  act 
of  Assembly  allowing  it.  The  negro  then  sought  legal 
redress,  and  in  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  of  Lycoming 
County  got  a  favorable  verdict.  The  case  was  appealed, 
but  in  1853  the  Supreme  Court  decided  without  hesita 
tion  that  although  negroes  had  no  political  rights  in  the 
state,  this  did  not  deprive  them  of  civil  rights,  and  that 
as  regarded  the  acquisition  and  preemption  of  land  they 
had  full  power." 

If  the  courts  would  not  sustain  the  exclusion  of  the 
negro  from  legal  rights,  public  opinion  and  individual 
action  were  able  to  put  beyond  his  reach  many  of  the 
privileges  in  which  he  might  have  shared.  This  was 
evidenced  by  his  practical  exclusion  from  theatres  and 
churches.  It  was  particularly  evident  in  the  treatment 
he  received  as  to  the  use  of  the  street  cars. 

These  cars  began  running  in  Philadelphia  in  i858.16 

14  Negroes,    37,807 — 66.33%;    mulattoes,    19,142 — 33.67%.      How    many 
of  these  mulatoes  had  emigrated  into  Pennsylvania  it  is  impossible  to  say. 

15  Foremans  v.  Tamm,   i   Grant's  Cases,  23-26. 
"See  Public  Ledger,  Jan.  20,  1858. 


198  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

The  rules  of  the  Company  allowed  negroes  to  ride  only 
on  the  front  platform.17  In  June,  1859,  a  mulatto  on 
entering  a  car  was  ejected ;  after  which  he  sued  for 
damages.  A  nominal  award  was  given  him  in  order 
that  the  matter  might  be  appealed.  This  was  done ;  but 
in  1861  the  District  Court  of  Philadelphia  decided  that 
in  view  of  the  different  treatment  which  had  been  ac 
corded  the  two  races  in  Pennsylvania,  especially  since 
1838,  a  passenger  railroad  company  might  lawfully  re 
fuse  to  allow  negroes  to  enter  its  cars,  and  that  it  might 
expel  them  when  they  did  so  enter.18  Thereafter  this 
policy  was  sustained  by  an  overwhelming  popular  senti 
ment,  and  in  spite  of  the  active  efforts  of  a  few,  the 
exclusion  was  continued  until  1867,  when  by  an  act  of 
Assembly  such  discrimination  was  forbidden.19 

The  actual  condition  of  the  negro  in  Pennsylvania 
during  eighty  years  of  freedom  had  in  some  respects 
steadily  improved ;  in  others  it  had  steadily  grown 
worse.  In  1780  some  six  thousand  freedmen  had  set 
out  to  solve  the  problem  of  the  advancement  of  their 
race,  having  at  the  start  little  besides  their  freedom 
and  the  substantial  good  wishes  of  the  community  in 
which  they  lived.  In  the  next  three  generations  many 
negroes  from  the  South  had  joined  them.  Of  Pennsyl 
vania's  native  negroes  many,  of  the  newcomers  some, 
had  risen  to  independence,  comfort,  and  even  prosperity. 
If  their  condition  in  1861  be  contrasted  with  that  of 
their  ancestors  who  first  had  been  brought  to  America, 

17  Cf.  Inquirer,  Oct.  31,  1860. 

18  Goines  v.  M'Candless,  4  Phila.  Rep.,  255-258;  Public  Ledger,  Jan.  21, 
1861. 

19  Laws  of  Assembly,  1867,  pp.  38,  39.     It  seems  likewise  to  have  been 
the  practice  to  segregate  negroes  on  the  steamboats  running  on  the  Dela 
ware  River.     See  advertisement  in  Public  Ledger,  Mar.  21,  1851. 


DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION  199 

the  difference  is  seen  to  be  immense.  In  the  time  inter 
vening  they  had  been  lifted  up  through  entire  stages 
of  human  progress ;  they  had  been  made  civilized 
Christian  men  and  women.  If  their  condition  be  con 
trasted  with  that  in  1800,  it  is  evident  that  in  material 
prosperity,  in  culture,  and  refinement,  the  difference  is 
still  very  striking.  But  on  the  other  hand  there  was 
much  to  counterbalance  this  progress.  Gradually  even 
the  very  best  negroes  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  of  an 
alien  race,  and  as  an  outcast  and  degraded  people  with 
whom  no  intimate  association  was  possible.  This  feel 
ing,  which  had  taken  possession  of  all  but  the  Friends 
and  the  anti-slavery  advocates,  had  given  birth  to  a 
prejudice  which  was  widespread  and  persistent,  and 
which  tended  always  to  depress  the  condition  of  ne 
groes.  Accordingly  of  political  rights  now  they  had 
nothing.  If  they  were  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  they 
were  not  completely  or  undoubtedly  so.  Before  the 
courts  of  law  they  still  had  the  same  rights  as  the 
white  man,  and  they  were  tried  in  the  same  way,  but 
their  chances  of  getting  exact  justice  were  smaller,  and 
their  punishment  was  more  frequent  and  severe.  The 
law  did  not  forbid  them  to  intermarry  with  white 
people,  but  public  feeling  made  this  almost  impossible. 
From  theatres,  from  churches,  from  public  meetings, 
and  from  the  street  cars,  they  were  virtually  excluded. 
Even  schools  were  now  grudged  them.  Moreover  the 
better  avenues  of  employment  were  closed  to  them,  and 
it  had  become  difficult  for  them  to  apprentice  their 
children.  In  ordinary  times  they  were  the  object  of 
petty  tyranny  and  dislike.  In  moments  of  excitement 
their  lives  were  not  safe  upon  the  streets. 


200  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

If,  however,  the  contrast  in  condition  between  earlier 
and  later  times  be  made  not  with  regard  to  the  better 
and  more  prosperous  negroes,  but  with  regard  to  the 
great  mass  of  lowlier  ones, — the  unfortunate,  the  un 
successful,  the  immigrants,  the  late  comers,  the  crimi 
nal,  the  vicious, — it  will  be  seen  that  in  point  of  magni 
tude  the  race  question  had  become  pressing  and  acute, 
and  that  the  condition  of  these  negroes  was  deplorable, 
and  far  worse  than  that  of  the  slaves  of  former  days. 

This  result  was  due  in  the  first  place  to  the  difficulty 
which  an  ignorant  and  untrained  people  always  have  in 
sustaining  themselves  in  economic  competition  with  a 
people  of  greater  training  and  efficiency,  who  have, 
moreover,  the  ownership  of  the  property  and  the  means 
of  production.  It  was  due  in  the  second  place  to  the 
idleness  and  thriftlessness  of  the  negroes  themselves.20 
It  was  due  in  the  third  place  to  the  overcrowding  of 
negroes,  and  to  their  congestion  in  cities.  And  finally 
it  was  due  to  the  hatred  and  prejudice  which  sur 
rounded  them,  and  which  effectually  cut  them  off  from 
any  chance  to  compete  with  white  people  on  equal 
terms.21 

20  It  had  been  anticipated  that  after  they  were  free  the  negroes  of 
Pennsylvania  would  either  be  industrious,  or  because  of  economic  pressure 
be  driven  from  the  state.  Letter  to  the  clergyman,  in  Pa.  Packet,  Jan.  i, 
1780.  The  experience  of  many  years,  however,  showed  that  owing  to  their 
much  lower  standard  of  living  they  were  able  to  flock  to  the  cities,  and 
swarm  in  vicious  idleness  and  hopeless  misery.  W.  Cobbett,  A  Year's 
Residence  in  the  United  States  of  America,  265,  speaking  of  the  negroes 
of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston,  says:  "  There  is,  besides,  a  class 
of  persons  here  of  a  description  very  peculiar;  namely,  the  free  negroes. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  motives,  which  led  to  their  emancipation, 
it  is  very  certain,  that  it  has  saddled  the  white  people  with  a  heavy  charge. 
These  negroes  are  a  disorderly,  improvident  set  of  beings;  and  the 
paupers  in  the  country  consist  almost  wholly  of  them  "  (1818). 

ZiCf.,  for  example,  The  Mysteries  and  Miseries  of  Philadelphia,  18,  for 
the  manner  in  which  the  lowly  negroes  were  drawn  into  court  for  trivial 
reasons,  in  order  that  corrupt  lawyers  and  magistrates  might  profit. 


DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION          201 

In  cities  their  condition  was  particularly  bad.22  Dur 
ing  the  period  from  1837  to  1847,  when  a  special  study 
was  made  of  this  question,  it  was  learned  that  in  the 
winter  time  many  lived  in  cellars  and  squalid  shanties, 
and  that  they  were  sometimes  found  frozen  to  death,23 
and  that  in  numerous  instances  they  died  of  intemper 
ance,  exposure,  and  want  of  nourishment.24  During 

22  "  There  are  hundreds  as  wretched  jn   Philadelphia,  and  more  so   in 
the  winter  time,  than  slaves  in   the  West   Indies.     No  person  can  con 
ceive  the  wretchedness  they  exhibit  in  the  environs  of  this  city,  while  the 
work-house    and    bettering-house    are    crowded    with    them."      Branagan, 
Serious  Remonstrances,   76.      "In   the   winter   they  are  a   public  charge, 
and  in  the  summer  they   spend  in   debauchery   all  their  earning.     Last 
winter  several  hundreds  would  have  perished  in  this  city,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  liberality  of  the  citizens  ";  .  .  .   Ibid.,  68,  69.    Cf.  J.  of  H.,  1841,  vol. 
II,  540;  Public  Ledger,  Feb.  7,   1851. 

23  Cf.  Spirit  of  the  Times,  Jan.   13,   1849. 

24  "  Many  were    found   dead  in  cold   and  exposed   rooms   and   garrets, 
board  shanties  five  and  six  feet  high,  and  as  many  feet  square,  erected 
and  rented  for  lodging  purposes,  mostly  without  any  comforts,  save  the 
bare  floor,  with  the  cold  penetrating  between  the  boards,  and  through  the 
holes  and  crevices  on  all  sides;  some  in  cold,  wet  and  damp  cellars,  with 
naked  walls,  and  in  many  instances  without  floors;  and  others  found  dead 
lying  in  back  yards,  in  alleys,  and  other  exposed  situations  .  .  .    These  cases 
were  principally  confined  to  the  lowest  and  most  degraded  of  the  coloured 
population,  whose  occupations  were  ragging,  boning  and  prizing.     Hun 
dreds  are  engaged  in  those  occupations  .  .  .  many  of  whom,  unless  provided 
for,   must   become  victims   of   death   through   their  habits   and   exposure, 
should  the  coming  winter  be  at  all  severe.     Most  of  them  have  no  home, 
depending  chiefly   upon  the   success   of   their  pursuits   through   the   day, 
either  in  earning  or  beggary,   (and  I  may  add  stealing,)  sufficient  to  pay 
their  grog  and  lodging.     For  food  they  depend  mostly  upon  begging,  or 
gathering  from  the   street  what  is  thrown   from  the  houses  or  kitchens 
of  others  .  .  .    Lodgings  are  obtained  from  a  penny  to  six-pence  a  night 
according  to  the  extent  of  the  accommodations,  with  or  without  an  old 
stove,    generally   without   a   pipe,    a    furnace   or   fireplace,   so   that  a   fire 
may  be  had  if  they   have   means  to   pay   for  a   few   sticks  of  wood,   or 
some  coal;  and  were  it  not  for  the  crevices  and  openings  admitting  fresh 
air,  many  would  be  suffocated  (a  few  have  been)  by  smoke  and  coal  gas. 
It  is  no  uncommon  circumstance  to  find  several  sitting  around  on  the  floor, 
with    an    open    furnace   in   their   midst   burning  coal.      Those   places   are 
mostly  back  from  the  street,  not  observable  in  passing,  reached  through 
narrow  alleys,  or  by  a  back  entrance  .  .  .  wherein  each  story  is  subdivided 
into  numerous  small  rooms,  ofttimes  made  to  accomodate  as  many  as  can 
be  stowed  into  them,  without  regard  to  colour  or  sex.     Such  articles  as 


202  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

these  years  there  was  also  much  suffering  among  the 
lowest  classes  of  the  white  people,  but  it  was  asserted 
by  one  well  informed  that  this  suffering  existed  no 
where  in  the  same  degree  as  in  the  courts  and  the  alleys 
of  Moyamensing  between  Fifth  and  Eighth,  South  and 
Fitzwater  streets,  where  the  negroes  of  Philadelphia 
were  largely  congregated.25 

The  conditions  amidst  which  the  colored  people  of 
Philadelphia  were  living  were  often  such  as  to  make 
impossible  any  normal  increase  in  their  numbers.  That 
they  did  increase  at  all  was  owing  very  largely  to  the 

an  old  bed,  a  carpet,  or  even  straw  upon  the  floor,  are  not  often  seen.  .  .  . 
Notwithstanding  their  degraded  occupation,  yet  it  is  possible  for  them  to 
earn  from  ten  to  fifteen  cents  per  day.  There  are  numerous  places  for  the 
disposal  of  their  rags,  bones,  etc.,  but  there  are  far  more  numerous  places 
(and  constantly  increasing)  for  the  disposal  of  their  hard  earned  (or  ill- 
gotten)  pennies;  namely  at  small  shops,  stocked  with  a  few  stale  loaves  of 
bread,  a  few  potatoes,  a  small  quantity  of  split  wood,  some  candles,  a 
few  dried  and  stale  herrings,  etc.,  exposed  to  view,  serving  too  often  as  a 
cloak;  whilst  behind  and  under  the  counter,  concealed  from  the  eye, 
are  kegs,  jugs,  bottles  and  measures,  containing  the  poison,  some  at  4 
and  5  cents  a  pint,  and  which  is  the  great  leading  cause  of  the  misery, 
degradation  and  death  of  so  many."  Letter  from  N.  B.  Leidy,  coroner, 
Dec.  1 8,  1848,  in  Statistical  Inquiry,  34-36.  For  the  tendency  of  the  ne 
groes  of  Philadelphia  to  crowd  together  in  narrow  courts  and  alleys,  for 
the  miserable  cellars  that  rented  for  ij^  cents  a  night,  for  the  effects  of 
the  cheap  liquor  sold  for  a  cent  a  glass,  and  for  a  general  picture  cf 
poverty,  misery,  and  squalor,  see  ibid.,  32,  35-39.  For  the  high  death- 
rate  among  negroes  in  Philadelphia,  see  Hazard's  Register,  XIII,  96; 
Niles  and  Russ,  Medical  Statistics;  or  a  Comparative  View  of  the  Mor 
tality  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  and  Boston  for  a  Series  of 
Years,  Tables  VI  and  VII,  where  the  rate  from  1820  to  1826  is  shown 
to  have  varied  between  1:39.45  and  1:27.84  for  white  people,  but  between 
1:24.62  and  1:14.62  for  negroes.  See  also  explanation  of  Table  XIII. 
In  1837  the  mortality  among  white  people  was  1:54,  among  negroes  1:33- 
35.  This  excess  was  due  largely  to  bad  housing  and  poor  ventilation, 
consumption  and  diseases  of  the  chest  being  the  most  effective  causes. 
Present  State  Free  People  of  Color  (Phila.,  1838),  pp.  35-38.  In  1853 
there  is  a  similar  description  of  miserable  living,  and  of  the  filthy,  crowded 
lodgings  called  "  cribs."  The  Mysteries  and  Miseries  of  Philadelphia, 
as  Exhibited  and  Illustrated  by  a  late  Presentment  of  the  Grand  Jury, 
and  by  a  sketch  of  the  Most  Degraded  Classes  in  the  City  (Phila.,  1853.) 
25  Coroner's  letter  in  Statistical  Inquiry,  36. 


DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION          203 

hordes  of  fugitives  and  freedmen  who  came  up  from 
the  South.  A  partial  enumeration  of  the  negroes  of 
Philadelphia  in  1847  showed  that  more  than  forty  per 
cent,  were  not  natives  of  the  state.  Nothwithstanding 
such  accessions  it  was  matter  of  comment  at  this  very 
time  that  their  increase  was  much  slower  than  that  of 
the  white  people.28 

It  was  this  influx  of  people,  to  a  great  extent  unde 
sirable  in  character  and  lacking  in  economic  efficiency, 
which  complicated  the  situation.  There  was  at  Phila 
delphia  and  elsewhere  all  of  that  magnified  misery 
which  is  now  caused  by  the  rush  of  foreign  immigrants 
into  the  tenement  quarters  of  our  Eastern  cities.  There 
was  the  inevitable  displacement  of  white  people  from 
some  of  the  lower  forms  of  labor.  There  was  the  im 
mense  difficulty  involved  in  the  sheer  uplifting  of  these 
negroes  from  the  status  in  which  they  had  been  born  to 
that  of  the  people  whose  state  they  had  invaded.  There 
was,  in  spite  of  the  good  intentions  of  many  of  these 
negroes,  the  inevitable  failure  to  find  sufficient  employ 
ment,  and  the  still  more  inevitable  deterioration  of 
character,  degenerating  into  a  life  of  vicious  idleness 
and  crime.  There  were  finally  the  political  complica 
tions  in  which  Pennsylvania  became  involved  with  her 
sister  states  of  the  South. 

Less  and  less  after  1800  did  Pennsylvania  desire  to 
have  negroes,  yet  more  and  more  did  they  come;  so 

K  The  enumeration  showed  8,900  natives  of  Pennsylvania,  56%,  6,632 
not  natives,  41%,  510  whose  birth  place  was  not  ascertained,  3%,  out  of 
a  total  of  16,042.  "  It  thus  appears  that  42.7%  (sic)  of  the  coloured 
population  of  Philadelphia  has  been  born  out  of  the  State;  and  this  fact, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  slow  increase  as  compared  with  that  of  the 
whites,  shows  not  only  a  very  great  immigration,  but  very  great  drains, 
by  deaths  and  removals,  of  the  population  thus  poured  in  upon  us."  Statis 
tical  Inquiry,  10. 


204  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

that  unavoidably  a  burden  fell  upon  the  state,  and  at 
times  to  the  white  people  the  situation  seemed  unbear 
able.  And  so  as  a  natural  climax  there  comes  at  the 
very  end  of  this  period  what  doubtless  would  have 
caused  astonishment  to  the  liberators  sixty  years  be 
fore.  In  the  course  of  the  year  1860  there  were  sent 
to  the  House  numerous  petitions  asking  that  either  the 
immigration  of  negroes  into  Pennsylvania  be  forbidden 
forever,  or  else  that  laws  permitting  slavery  be  passed 
again.27  These  petitions  are  preserved  in  a  volume 
rarely  opened  now,  but  it  is  well  to  recall  them,  for 
such  extreme  requests  did  not  represent  the  dominant 
feeling  in  the  state.  The  committee  to  whom  they  had 
been  referred,  replied  in  a  paper  worthy  of  comparison 
with  the  old  protest  of  1688,  a  paper  which  for  dignity 
and  eloquence  is  as  glorious  as  any  in  the  archives  of  the 
state. 

It  is  true,  this  report  says,  that  old,  broken  down, 
and  undesirable  negroes  do  crowd  into  the  state  from 
other  places  ;  but  is  Pennsylvania  to  drive  such  miserable 
people  out  ?  Many  of  them  do  commit  crimes  ;  they  do 
fill  the  penitentiaries ;  but  the  negroes  at  fault  are  not 
those  native  to  the  state.  It  is  the  slavery  from  which 
they  have  come,  that  makes  them  as  criminal  as  they 
are.  And  is  it  slavery  that  the  petitioners  desire  in 
Pennsylvania?  Let  them  consider  what  they  ask. 
Eighty  years  ago  Pennsylvania  took  measures  to  abolish 
slavery;  Virginia,  among  other  states,  did  not.  At 
that  time  Virginia  was  far  richer  and  far  greater  than 
Pennsylvania.  But  Virginia  has  retained  the  slavery 
for  which  they  now  ask,  with  the  result  that  Philadel 
phia  alone  has  come  to  be  worth  more  than  all  of  Vir- 

27  7.  of  H.,  1860,  pp.  124,  209,  237,  265,  280,  327,  375,  440,  481,  835. 


DISCRIMINATION  AND  DEPRESSION          205 

ginia.  Of  such  evils,  they  said,  slavery  is  the  cause. 
Therefore  they  resolved  that  to  grant  the  prayers  of 
the  petitioners  would  be  inexpedient,  impolitic,  and 
unjust.25 

To  this  had  it  come,  that  in  Pennsylvania  less  than  a 
century  after  abolition  there  were  men  who  wished 
slavery  reestablished.  If  it  be  granted  that  this  was 
only  an  outburst  of  feeling  extreme  and  not  general, 
it  is  nevertheless  certain  that  since  the  beginning  of  the 
century,  and  particularly  throughout  the  last  thirty 
years  before  1861,  the  history  of  the  relations  of  the 
white  man  to  the  negro  in  Pennsylvania  is  a  history  of 
prejudice,  dislike,  and  aversion,  checkered  with  out 
rage  and  oppression ;  so  that  not  alone  was  the  negro 
no  real  citizen,  but  such  as  he  was  allowed  to  be,  he  was 
always  a  citizen  undesired. 

28  Report  in  /.  of  H.,  1860,  pp.  771-774.  For  the  opposite  effects  of 
slavery  and  freedom  in  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  see  An  Impartial  Ap 
peal  to  the  Reason,  Interest  and  Patriotism,  of  the  People  of  Illinois, 
on  the  Injurious  Effects  of  Slave  Labour  (1824),  12. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY. 

PREJUDICE  against  negroes  in  Pennsylvania  was  not 
felt  by  all  the  white  people  of  that  state,  for  if  the 
negro  had  bitter  enemies  he  had  also  sincere  well  wish 
ers  and  powerful  friends.  It  was  for  this  reason  that 
although  hostile  laws  were  frequently  contemplated, 
they  were  always  vigorously  opposed.  It  was  also 
owing  to  this  that  although  many  attempts  were  made 
to  prevent  negroes  coming  to  Pennsylvania,  or  to  get 
those  already  there  to  go  away,  these  projects  having 
the  support  of  great  numbers  of  men  both  lawless  and 
law-abiding,  the  results  were  always  insignificant  in  the 
end.  On  the  other  hand  such  work  was  done  and  such 
laws  were  passed  that  negroes  from  the  South  found 
Pennsylvania  a  place  of  refuge  particularly  attractive. 
That  all  this  was  so  resulted  from  the  earnest  efforts 
and  vigorous  propaganda  of  the  abolitionists  and  the 
anti-slavery  workers. 

Abolitionism  and  anti-slavery  were  in  many  respects 
different.  The  first  may  almost  be  said  to  have  origi 
nated  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  society  formed  by  its 
adherents  was  the  original  and  pattern  of  all  abolition 
societies  elsewhere.  Such  was  not  the  case  with  anti- 
slavery,  whose  inspiration  came  largely  from  outside  the 
state.  Abolitionism  exercised  a  powerful  influence  in 
Pennsylvania  from  1775  until  1861,  although  the  period 
of  its  dominance  in  the  work  against  slavery  was  before 

206 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          207 

1833.  After  that  time  the  efforts  made  by  its  supporters 
did  not  diminish  either  in  magnitude  or  importance,  but 
they  now  began  to  be  overshadowed  by  the  more 
striking  and  vigorous  anti-slavery  work,  which  was  in 
spired  largely  by  what  was  being  done  in  New  England. 
The  first  was  earnest,  efficient,  and  conservative ;  the 
second  hasty,  violent,  and  radical.  In  many  respects 
one  shaded  off  gradually  into  the  other,  for  numbers  of 
abolitionists  became  violent  anti-slavery  men,  and  anti- 
slavery  men  frequently  called  themselves  abolitionists. 
Yet,  as  the  guiding  principles  of  the  two  were  distinct, 
in  this  chapter  they  will  be  treated  separately.  The 
abolitionists  desired  to  put  an  end  to  slavery  first  in 
Pennsylvania,  then  elsewhere,  if  possible ;  and  they 
were  willing  to  accomplish  their  task  by  the  slow  method 
of  labor  and  persuasion,  acting  always  within  full  sanc 
tion  of  the  law.  The  anti-slavery  men  desired  the 
same,  and  were  also  willing  to  work  and  persuade ;  but 
impatient  at  the  scant  success  of  their  fellow  workers, 
they  would  have  destroyed  slavery  at  any  cost,  whether 
of  law,  of  state  rights,  or  of  constitution.1 

1  This  analysis  is  different  from  that  which  is  usually  given.  Professor 
A.  B.  Hart,  than  whom  no  one  is  more  competent  to  speak,  considers  anti- 
slavery  to  have  flourished  before  abolitionism,  and  ascribes  to  abolitionism 
the  attributes  which  I  ascribe  to  anti-slavery;  while  Miss  Alice  Dana 
Adams  has  written  an  excellent  monograph  whose  title,  "  The  Neglected 
Period  of  Anti-Slavery  in  America  (1808-1831),"  is  a  direct  contradiction 
of  the  statement  which  I  have  given  above.  Professor  Hart's  view  is  made 
clear  in  his  volume  Slavery  and  Abolition  {American  Nation,  XVI)  where 
after  devoting  a  chapter  (XI)  to  the  "Anti-Slavery  Movement  (1624- 
1840),"  he  asks  "  Why  did  the  anti-slavery  movement,  which  had  been 
going  on  steadily  for  half  a  century,  apparently  die  down  in  1829  .  .  .  ?  " 
(p.  170).  He  continues:  "  The  rise  of  abolition  was  coincident  with  a 
change  in  the  attitude  of  the  public  mind  "...  (p.  172),  and  then  analyzes 
each  movement.  "  Such  men  "  (anti-slavery)  "  were  eager  to  be  rid  of 
slavery  in  their  own  community,  and  deprecated  it  wherever  it  existed,  not 
so  much  out  of  sympathy  with  the  oppressed  negro,  as  from  the  belief  that 
slavery  was  an  injury  to  their  own  neighbors  and  constituents,  and  that 


208  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

As  abolitionism  in  Pennsylvania  was  orderly  in  its 
methods  so  was  it  slow  and  continuous  in  its  develop 
ment.  It  began  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
when  Pastorius  and  his  associates  drew  up  their  pro 
test,  and  when  the  Keithian  Quakers  wrote  their 


the  influence  of  the  slave  power  in  national  affairs  was  harmful.  Most 
of  the  northern  anti-slavery  people  disclaimed  any  intention  of  interfering 
with  slavery  in  the  southern  states  .  .  .  their  principle  was  that  slavery  and 
the  slave-holding  power  should  remain  where  they  were."  "  Very  dif 
ferent  in  their  outlook  were  the  abolitionists  .  .  .  Every  abolitionist  was 
.  .  .  heart  and  soul  opposed  to  slavery  as  it  existed;  he  was  bent  on  per 
suading  or  coercing  the  master  to  give  up  his  authority  .  .  .  He  wished  to 
get  rid  of  slavery  speedily,  root  and  branch,  cost  what  it  might  "  .  .  .  "  Anti- 
slavery  was  a  negative  force,  an  attempt  to  wall  in  an  obnoxious  system 
of  labor  so  that  it  might  die  of  itself;  abolition  was  a  positive  force, 
founded  on  moral  considerations,  stoutly  denying  that  slavery  could  be 
a  good  thing  for  anybody,  and  perfectly  willing  to  see  the  social  and 
economic  system  of  the  south  disrupted  "  (pp.  173,  174). 

There  is  no  doubt  that  anti-slavery  and  abolitionism  were  similar  in 
many  respects,  and  if  the  names  were  merely  arbitrary,  descriptive  epi 
thets  to  be  applied  by  the  modern  historian,  either  name  might  be  affixed 
to  either  movement,  and  then  properly  qualified.  But  Professor  Hart's 
choice  of  these  names  cannot  be  entirely  justified,  since  it  is  partly  in 
violation  of  contemporary  usage.  In  1775  was  founded  the  "  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,"  etc.,  and  shortly  afterwards 
there  were  "  abolition  "  societies  in  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  New  York, 
and  in  other  neighboring  states;  local  "  abolition  "  societies  sprang  up 
everywhere;  and  for  more  than  forty  years  the  principal  organizations 
assembled  in  the  "  Conventions  of  Delegates  from  the  Abolition  Societies 
Established  in  Different  Parts  of  the  United  States,"  etc.  Yet  this  is  the 
period  which  Professor  Hart  describes  as  "  Anti-Slavery."  After  1830 
a  great  change  took  place  and  new  and  more  radical  movements  were 
started.  In  1832  the  "  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Society  "  was  founded; 
in  1833  the  "  American  Anti-Slavery  Society;  "  while  state  and  local 
organizations  calling  themselves  "  anti-slavery  "  societies  were  instituted 
in  numerous  places.  All  this  Professor  Hart  himself  describes  (p.  183), 
yet  he  calls  the  movement  "  Garrisonian  Abolition  "  (chap.  XI,)  and 
designates  the  members  of  these  societies  as  "  abolitionists."  His  explana 
tion  is  that  the  first  movement,  anti-slavery,  was  sustained  by  men  who 
were  antagonistic  to  slavery;  the  second,  abolitionism,  by  those  who  were 
resolved  to  act  more  strenuously  and  abolish  slavery  altogether.  The 
truth  seems  to  be  just  the  contrary.  Abolition  flourished  in  the  earlier 
period  when  men  had  good  reasons  to  believe  that  all  slavery  could  be 
abolished;  anti-slavery  in  the  later  years  when  abolition  in  the  South 
was  seen  to  be  impossible,  and  when  nothing  remained  but  to  fight  against 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          209 

pamphlet.2  The  efforts  to  accomplish  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  which  were  continued  by  the  Quaker  abolition 
ists  and  by  the  organized  movement  within  the  Society 
of  Friends,3  were  largely  successful  by  1780,  so  that 
thenceforth  the  more  important  task  lay  rather  with 
the  growing  body  of  free  negroes  than  with  the  lessen 
ing  number  of  slaves.  It  was  largely  to  assist  free  ne 
groes,  and  particularly  to  protect  them  from  being  kid 
napped,  that  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  was 
founded. 

In  1775  an  Indian  woman  was  purchased  in  New  Jer 
sey  by  a  Virginian.  Her  owner  brought  her  to  Phila 
delphia,  where  she  asserted  that  she  and  her  children 
were  free.  Then  Israel  Pemberton  and  other  citizens 
of  the  place  became  interested,  and  fought  for  her  lib 
erty  in  the  courts.  The  matter  lingered  for  two  years 
until  finally  she  was  adjudged  a  slave ;  but  the  case 
made  a  deep  impression  on  those  who  conducted  it,  and 
they  resolved  to  organize  so  as  to  prevent  such  things 
in  the  future.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  first  abolition 
society  in  the  United  States.4 

The  Society  was  instituted  in  1775,  but  the  troublous 

the  slavery  which  was  firmly  intrenched.  After  all  the  problem  resolves 
itself  into  a  correct  choice  of  terms.  Before  1830  the  opponents  of 
slavery  were  members  of  abolition  societies  rather  than  abolitionists  or 
anti-slavery  advocates.  Since,  however,  they  described  their  organizations 
as  "  abolition,"  and  since  their  principal  object  was  the  abolition  of  slavery 
and  the  slave-trade,  it  seems  more  proper  to  call  them  abolitionists  than 
anti-slavery  men.  After  1830  the  members  of  the  new  societies  called 
their  organizations  "  anti-slavery;  "  but  in  popular  usage  the  older  idea 
survived,  so  that  "  abolitionist  "  and  "  abolitionism,"  loosely  applied 
as  epithets  of  hatred  or  reproach,  gained  their  widest  currency  in  the  later 
period. 

2  See  above,  pp.  65,  66. 

3  See  above,  pp.  69-77. 

4  "  This  is  the  first  case  on  the  minutes  of  the  society,  and  appears  to 
have  given  rise  to  its  formation."    MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  Slavery,  IV,  35. 

IS 


210  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

events  of  the  years  succeeding  caused  a  cessation  of  all 
work  until  the  end  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  In  1784 
it  was  reorganized,  and  thenceforth  its  work  was  con 
tinuous  and  unceasing.5  The  Society  itself  was  new, 
but  its  work  differed  little  from  what  had  been  done 
before  it  was  founded.  As  most  of  that  work  had  been 
done  by  Friends,  so  most  of  the  Society's  members  were 
and  continued  to  be  Friends.0  Their  organization  had 
simply  acquired  corporate  form  under  which  they  now 
began  to  labor  more  effectively.  Its  official  title  was 
"The  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery,  for  the  Relief  of  Free  Negroes  Unlawfully 
Held  in  Bondage,  and  for  Improving  the  Condition  of 
the  African  Race/'  In  each  of  these  departments  it  was 
equally  active. 

The  most  successful  and  constructive  part  of  its  work, 
and  withal  the  quietest,  was  the  assisting  of  free  negroes 
to  better  their  condition.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  progress  made  by  the  negroes 
of  Pennsylvania  was  directly  due  to  the  efforts  of  this 
Society  and  its  sympathizers.  They  obstructed  adverse 
legislation.7  Often  they  helped  the  negro  to  purchase 
his  freedom,  or  gave  bond  that  he  would  not  become 
chargeable  to  his  former  master.8  They  gave  him  rec 
ommendations,  found  employment  for  him,  and  saw 

5  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  Slavery,  IV,  35.     Cf.  Act  of  Incorporation 
and  Constitution  of  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  etc.,  13. 

6  "  The  style  generally  was  that  used  by  the  Society  of  Friends  as  a 
majority  of  its  members  always  belonged  to  that  denomination."     William 
J.  Buck  (describing  how  he  wrote  his)  History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abo 
lition  Society  (MS.),  2. 

7  Cf.  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  IV,  91;  VII,  107,  119,  XI,  63;  /.  of  H., 
1812-1813,  pp.  566,  567;  J.  of  S.,    1812-1813,  p.  540;  J.  of  S.,   1822-1823,  p. 
435;  J-  of  S.,  1831-1832,  p.  250. 

8  See  above,  pp.  61-63. 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          211 

that  he  was  well  treated.9  In  1789  the  Society  organ 
ized  visiting  committees  to  enquire  into  the  negro's 
problems  and  help  him  to  solve  them.10  It  was  in  the 
Society's  schools  that  the  negro  was  first  taught."  So 
well  did  they  do  their  work,  and  so  far  did  their  fame 
spread,  that  on  several  occasions  Southern  masters 
about  to  free  their  slaves  bequeathed  them  to  the  So 
ciety,  and  sent  them  to  Pennsylvania.12  In  conducting 
this  part  of  its  work  the  Society  collected  statistics  and 
information  about  the  negro  which  are  among  the  most 
valuable  in  existence.13 

In  the  relieving  of  free  negroes  unlawfully  held  in 
bondage  it  was  no  less  energetic  and  almost  as  suc 
cessful.  The  drastic  laws  against  kidnapping  in  Penn 
sylvania  were  very  largely  due  to  its  efforts  ;u  and  the 
enforcement  of  these  laws  lay  in  its  hands  to  an  even 
greater  extent.  Through  its  vigilant  committees  of 
correspondence  it  was  able  to  get  quick  intelligence 
about  any  negro  who  was  carried  off ;  it  was  unwearied 
in  its  efforts  to  restore  him  to  liberty,  and  relentless 
in  running  the  offender  down.  To  punish  the  kidnap 
per  it  spared  no  time  and  no  money.  It  would  follow 
him  any  distance,  engage  the  best  counsel,  and  stop  at 

°Cf.  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  Ill,  254;  Min.  Sixth  Conv.  Abol. 
Soc.  Phila.,  1800,  p.  7;  Buck,  MS.  Hist.  Pa.  Abol.  Soc.,  I,  m. 

10  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  VI,  41.  45,  47- 

11  Cf.   MS.   Rec.   Pa.   Soc.   Abol.   SI.,  V,  83,   89;  VII,   51,   53,   55,   575 

VIII,  209,     211,     213. 

12  Ibid.,  VII,  7,  81,  163,  259;  VIII,  277.    Also  VI,  63,  75. 

13  See  bibliography,  MSS.,  "  Records  of  the  Abolition  and  Anti-Slavery 
Societies  ",  pp.  262-264. 

"See  above,  pp.   117-118.     Cf.  MS.   Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  VI,  266; 

IX,  i;  J.  of  S.,  1811-1812,  pp.    109,  186,  214;  J.  of  H.,  1818-1819,  p.  238;  J. 
of  H.,  1831-1832,  vol.  I,  283 ;  "  Report  of  the  Delegates  to  Harrisburg  3 
mo.   30th.    1826,"   MS.  in  Misc.   Coll.,  Box   10,  Negroes;   MS.   Min.  Pa. 
Abol.   Soc.,   1825-1847,  pp.  520-522,  533-535. 


212  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

nothing  to  secure  conviction.15  Believing  that  many 
negroes  were  kidnapped  under  sanction  of  the  fugitive 
slave  laws  it  tried  hard  to  have  Pennsylvania  give  fugi 
tives  trial  by  jury.16  Kidnapping  continued  to  occur  de 
spite  everything  that  could  be  done,  but  it  was  kept 
within  bounds  largely  by  the  abolitionists. 

After  all,  however,  the  fundamental  idea  upon  which 
the  Society  was  founded  was  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
and  it  was  to  this  that  the  members  devoted  their  great 
est  effort.  First  they  tried  to  procure  the  total  destruc 
tion  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania.  It  was  due  in  great 
part  to  them  that  the  abolition  act  of  1780  was  made 
more  thorough  in  1788."  From  them  and  from  their 
adherents  came  most  of  the  petitions  asking  that  all 
slaves  be  set  free  at  once.18  They  endeavored  to  have 
the  courts  declare  slavery  illegal.19  They  tried  hard 
also  to  secure  abolition  of  the  extra  years  of  service  for 
the  negro  servants  who  were  children  of  slaves.20  Fail 
ing  to  accomplish  these  things  they  sought  to  attain 
their  object  as  far  as  possible  by  enforcement  of  the 
existing  laws  with  utmost  thoroughness  and  vigor.  The 
clause  of  the  abolition  act  which  required  slaves  to  be 
registered  was  liable  to  many  technical  violations,  and 
its  requirements  had  often  been  carelessly  fulfilled.21  To 
this  the  Society  gave  special  heed,  and  for  years  its 

15  Cf.  MS.  Rec.   Pa.   Soc.  Abol.   SI.,  Ill,   105,   107,    109,   113,   130,   150, 
218,  (for  a  case  prosecuted  in  Jamaica),  164,  174,  258;  VI,  21,  264;  VII, 
3S>  95»  99!  IX,  69,  75,   122;  and  numerous  references  in  VII  and  VIII. 

16  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.  1837-1838,  III,  778;  VIII,  117;  /.  of  H.,  1836-1837, 
vol.   I,   349;   /.  of  S.,   1836-1837,   p.   206;  /.   of  H.,  1838-1839,   vol.   I,    198; 
/.  of  S.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  323;  J.  of  S.,  1840,  vol.  I,  275. 

17  See  above,  p.  81. 

18  See  above,  pp.  83-84. 

19  See  above,  pp.  82-83.  Also  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  IV,  19;  V,  141. 

20  Ibid.,  I,  23. 

21  See  above,  pp.  81-82. 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          213 

members  were  tireless  in  following  up  all  possible  cases, 
in  bringing  them  to  trial,  and  fighting  them  to  the  high 
est  courts/2  In  this  work  they  employed  the  best  legal 
talent  they  could  get,23  and  in  furtherance  of  it  made 
the  earliest  compilation  of  Pennsylvania's  slave  legisla 
tion.24 

From  slavery  within  Pennsylvania  the  abolitionists 
soon  extended  their  hostility  to  slavery  beyond  the 
state's  limits.  First  of  all  they  attacked  the  slave- 
trade.  In  1787  they  prepared  a  memorial  to  be  sent  to 
the  Federal  Convention  then  about  to  assemble  in  Phila 
delphia  asking  that  this  trade  be  brought  to  an  end.25  In 
the  following  year  when  they  asked  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature  to  put  a  stop  to  the  traffic  from  Philadel 
phia,  their  request  was  heeded,  and  a  law  passed.28 
About  this  time  began  the  practice,  so  largely  extended 
afterwards,  of  circulating  broadsides,  pamphlets,  and 
pictures.  In  1789  they  tried  to  arouse  feeling  by  the 
distribution  of  a  horrible  picture  showing  negroes 
crowded  between  a  slaver's  decks.27  They  continued  to 
investigate  alleged  violations  of  the  law  at  Philadelphia 

22  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  35,  1975  VI,  159,   161;  MS.  Rec.  of 
Manumissions,    Book   A,    242;    MS.    Min.    Acting    Committee    (Pa.    Soc. 
Abol.  SI.),  1784-1788,  passim. 

23  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  V,  43,  267;  VI,  119. 
™Ibid.,  IV,  143.     See  bibliography,  p.  263. 

25  "  It  is  with  deep  distress  they  are  forced  to  observe  that  the  peace 
was  scarcely  concluded  before  the  African  Trade  was  revived  "...  MS. 
Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  I,  83,  85. 

29  Act  of  1788.  See  above,  p.  81.  The  committee  to  which  a  later 
petition  was  referred,  reported:  "  Your  Committee  cannot  help  here  ob 
serving  that  the  very  iniquitous  practice  which  has  heretofore  taken  place 
in  this  State  of  equipping  and  fitting  out  Vessels  for  the  African  trade, 
has  not  yet  been  prevented  by  any  efficient  law."  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc. 
Abol.  SI.,  I,  240. 

27  Ibid.,  II,  5.  "  Plan  of  an  African  Ship's  lower  Deck,  with  Negroes, 
in  the  proportion  of  not  quite  one  to  a  Ton."  It  had  appeared  in  the 
American  Museum,  May,  1789. 


214  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

for  many  years.28  In  1812  they  sent  a  secret  agent  to 
New  York  and  to  Rhode  Island  to  gather  information 
about  the  slave-trade  there.29 

Active  hostility  against  slavery  outside  of  Pennsyl 
vania  was  both  the  cause  and  the  effect  of  the  diligence 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  in  helping  to 
found  similar  societies  in  other  states.  If  not  the  parent 
she  was  at  least  the  foster-mother  of  most  similar  so 
cieties  elsewhere.  In  some  cases  the  very  origin  of  the 
earliest  abolition  societies  was  due  to  her  inspiration,30 
while  to  many  she  gave  advice,  encouragement,  and 
assistance.31  With  all  she  maintained  constant  and  im 
mense  correspondence.32  When  in  1795  the  New  York 
Abolition  Society  felt  that  advantage  would  be  gained 
by  holding  an  abolition  convention,  it  proposed  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Society  that  the  meeting  should  be  held 
in  Philadelphia.88  Some  idea  of  Pennsylvania's  primacy 
in  the  abolition  movement  may  be  had  from  the  fact  that 
out  of  twenty-four  conventions  held  between  1794  and 
1829  twenty  were  held  in  Philadelphia.84 

28  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  VI,  109,  in,  113,  123. 

29  Ibid.,  VII,  97.     This  had  engaged  their  attention  in  1788.     Cf.  ibid., 
I,  143,  171,  175,  177,  179. 

80  For  example  the  New  Jersey  Abolition  Society,  1792.  Cf.  Needles, 
Memoir,  40. 

31  MS.  Rec.  Pa.   Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  Ill,  230,  242;  IV,  37;  VI,  71. 

32  Among  numerous   instances   of   letters   to   abolition   societies   and   to 
abolitionists,    cf.   ibid.,    I,    115,    121,    125,    129,    131,    137,    159,    161,    163, 
165,  193;  II,  219,  253;  III,  55,  81,  83,  87,  116;  IV,  41,  45,  55;  VI,  214, 
230;  VIII,  179. 

38  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  Ill,  248. 

84  Conventions  were  held  at  Philadelphia  in  1794,  1795,  1796,  1797, 
1798,  1800,  1801,  1803,  1804,  1805,  1806,  1809,  1812,  1816,  1817,  1819, 
1821,  1823,  1825,  1827;  at  Washington  in  1829.  Adjourned  meetings 
were  held  at  Baltimore  in  1826,  1828;  and  a  special  meeting  at  Philadel 
phia  in  1818.  Cf.  Min.  of  Conventions  of  Delegates  from  Abolition  So 
cieties,  etc.,  1794-1837. 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          215 

From  opposing  slavery  in  many  different  localities 
the  abolitionists  began  to  oppose  it  in  the  United  States 
as  a  whole.  In  1790  they  sent  to  the  Federal  House  of 
Representatives  a  memorial  containing  a  strong  appeal 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade,  but 
Congress  could  do  little.35  In  1794  the  Convention  at 
Philadelphia  issued  a  stirring  address,  "To  the  Citizens 
of  the  United  States,"  "  and  in  1809  one  to  the  clergy.37 
Meanwhile  the  Pennsylvania  Society  opposed  the  Fed 
eral  statute  of  1793  concerning  runaways,  and  began 
to  fight  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves.38  The  abolitionists 
were  bitterly  against  the  extension  of  slavery  into 
Florida,  or  Missouri,  or  any  new  state.89  They  under 
took  to  circulate  in  the  South  literature  showing  the 
impolicy  of  slavery  and  the  advantages  of  emancipa 
tion.40  Their  memorials  to  the  legislature  and  to  Con 
gress  continued  down  to  the  Civil  War.41 

This  work,  however  irritating  it  may  have  been  to 
the  slave-holders  and  the  people  of  the  South,  had  this 
character  largely  because  of  its  thoroughness  and  per 
sistence,  not  because  it  was  violent  or  illegal.  Very 
rarely  did  any  member  of  the  Society  break  the  law,  or 

35  "  They   earnestly   entreat  your   serious   attention   to   the    Subject   of 
Slavery;  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  countenance  the  Restoration  of  liberty 
to  those  unhappy  Men  .  .  .  that  you  will  devise  means  for  removing  this 
Inconsistency  from  the  Character  of  the  American  People  .  .  .  and  that  you 
will  Step  to  the  very  verge  of  the  Power  vested  in  you,  for  discouraging 
every  Species  of  Traffick  in  the  Persons  of  our  fellow  Men."     MS.  Rec. 
Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  II,  85. 

36  Of  slavery  they  said:  "  It  is  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  the  lib 
erties  of  the  United  States.     Freedom  and  Slavery  cannot  long  exist  to 
gether."  Ibid.,  IV,  15. 

87  "  To  the  Clergy,  and  Pastors,  thro'out  the  U.  States."  Ibid.,  VI,  238. 
28  Ibid.,  Ill,  285;  also  VI,  276,  283;  VIII,  143. 
"Ibid.,  VI,  272;  VIII,  267. 

40  Ibid.,  IX,   156. 

41  Cf.  ibid.,  XI,  104  (1860). 


216  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

desire  that  it  should  be  broken.  Some  few  favored  im 
mediate  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  South,  but  this  feeling 
was  not  general.42  On  the  contrary  the  leaders  on  sev 
eral  occasions  denounced  this  as  unwise  and  deprecated 
its  consequences.43  The  furthest  the  Society  would  go 
was  to  distribute  literature  constantly,44  and  at  times  to 
favor  not  buying  the  goods  of  those  who  owned  slaves  45 
On  the  whole,  then,  the  work  of  the  abolitionists  in 
Pennsylvania  during  this  period  may  be  said  to  have 
been  quiet,  continuous,  and  successful.  It  was  almost 
undisturbed  by  dissensions  within  the  Society,46  it  was 
carried  on  by  some  of  the  most  respectable  and  influ 
ential  people  of  the  state,47  and  awakened  little  opposi 
tion.  It  did  much  to  elevate  the  negro,  it  put  a  stop 
to  the  slave-trade  from  Philadelphia,  it  checked  kidnap 
ping,  and  in  Pennsylvania  it  drove  slavery  to  the  wall. 

42  In  a   declaration    of  principles   in    1819  the    Society  proclaimed  that 
"  the  practice  of  holding  and  selling  human  beings  as  property,  .  .  .  ought 
to   be  immediately   abandoned,"   but   "  Resolved   that   while  this    Society 
deprecate  physical  resistance  to  established  Law  they  hold  it  to  be  their  " 
(duty)    "  by   every   lawful   and  constitutional  means  to  seek  the  amend 
ment    of   whatever    in   the   constitution    or    Laws   upholds    the   barbarous 
and  oppressive  system  of  Slavery  in  the  United   States."    MS.   Rec.   Pa. 
Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  VIII,  235   (1819). 

43  Cf.  letter  of  committee  of  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  to  Arthur  Tappan 
and  others   in   New  York,   Oct.   7,    1833;   "We  hold  it  to  be  unwise,  to 
urge  by  a  National  Convention,  the  principles  of  immediate  emancipation, 
before  the  people  at  large,  are  properly  informed  of  our  meaning  of  the 
terms."     MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  X,  205.     Cf.  also  T.  I.  Wharton, 
Memoir  of  William  Rawle  (very  prominent  in  the  Society),  26,  27;  "  He 
had  too  much  .  .  .  '  Common  sense  '  ...  to  suppose  that  emancipation  was 
likely  to  be  brought  about  by  denunciation  and  abuse,  or  that  it  can  ever  be 
effected   with   safety   to   either    race,    except  by  the   gradual   progress   of 
opinion  in  the  communities  in  which  it  exists;  "... 

44  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  II,  7,  25,  37,  53,  55,  79,  95,  245;  III, 

i,  5,  124- 

45  Ibid.,   IV,   261;  VIII,  175;   X,  27.     Cf.   also  the  Constitution  of  the 
"  Free  Produce  Society  of  Pennsylvania." 

«C7.   however,   MS.    Rec.   Pa.    Soc.   Abol.    SI.,   VIII,   243,   251    (1820). 
47  Cf.  various  lists  of  members. 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          217 

In  the  South,  however,  it  had  accomplished  almost 
nothing.  By  1830  this  was  evident,  and  many  people 
tiring  of  the  slow  and  orderly  methods  of  the  Quakers 
and  the  older  abolitionists  resolved  to  fight  against 
slavery  by  any  means  in  their  power. 

The  increasing  hostility  in  Pennsylvania  against 
Southern  slavery  becomes  marked  after  1830,  but  the 
transition  notwithstanding  was  gradual.  After  this 
time  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  continued  on 
its  plodding  course  as  before,  but  whereas  previous  to 
1830  it  had  dominated  the  contest  against  slavery,  it 
now  dropped  into  a  subordinate  position,  and  its  more 
hasty  and  impetuous  members  joined  the  anti-slavery 
movement.  The  influence  of  Garrison  and  the  New 
England  enthusiasts  became  more  and  more  marked. 
The  campaign  that  followed  was  vigorous,  sensational, 
and  uncompromising. 

In  1833  Edwin  P.  Atlee  issued  a  pamphlet  in  Phila 
delphia  in  which  he  said  that  gradual  abolition  had  been 
effective  only  in  some  of  the  states,  and  that  now  im 
mediate  overthrow  was  necessary.  He  attacked  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  on  the  ground  that  it 
perpetuated  slavery.4S  In  the  next  year  the  Philadelphia 
Anti-Slavery  Society  was  founded  for  the  purpose  of 
exterminating  slavery ;  it  sought  above  all  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia ;  and  intended  to  oppose  the 
admission  of  any  more  slave  states.49  In  the  year  fol 
lowing  the  Young  Men's  Anti-Slavery  Society  of  Phila- 

48  He   urged   "  total   abolition.     Not   gradual,   but   immediate."     Atlee, 
An  Address  to  the  Citizens  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery,  9. 

49  Constitution  of  the  Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery  Society   (Phila.,   1834). 
Its  first  annual  report  (1835)  said:  "  Resolved,  As  the  sense  of  this  So 
ciety,   that  it  is  the  bounden   duty  of  every  good  citizen  of  the  United 
States  to  aid,  as  far  as  in  him  lies,  to  procure  the  amendment  of  whatever, 
in  either  the  Constitution,  or  Laws,  upholds  the  monstrous  oppression  of 
Slavery  and  the  Domestic  Slave  trade."    First  An.  Rep.,  i. 


218  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

delphia  declared  that  slavery  was  contrary  to  the  pre 
cepts  of  Christianity,  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
country,  and  ought  to  be  abolished.50  New  societies 
sprang  up  rapidly  in  Philadelphia  and  elsewhere,51  and 
one  inflammatory  declaration  followed  another.52  It  was 
not  long  before  candidates  for  office  began  to  be  inter 
rogated  as  to  their  stand  on  the  slavery  question,53  while 
slave  products  were  boycotted,54  and  immediate  aboli 
tion  was  fiercely  urged  or  else  disunion.55 

50  Constitution,  By-Laws,  etc.  Young  Men's  A-S.  Soc.,  Phila. 

51  Many  of  these  societies  are  known  through  petitions  which  they  sent 
to  the  Legislature.     Chester  Co.,  A-S.  Soc.   (7.  of  H.,  1840,  vol.  I,  508) ; 
York  Springs  A-S.  Soc.  (ibid.,  I,  542);  Clarkson  A-S.  Soc.  (ibid.,  I,  101); 
A-S.  Soc.  of  Eastern  Pa.  (7.  of  H.,  1841,  vol.  I,  153);  Cain,  Chester  Co. 
A-S.  Soc.   (ibid.,  I.   171);  Union,  Chester  Co.  A-S.  Soc.   (ibid.,  I,  418); 
Colerain,  Chester  Co.  A-S.  Soc.   (ibid.,  I,  419);   Fallowfield,  Chester  Co. 
A-S.  Soc.   (ibid.,  I,  521);  Phila.  Female  A-S.  Soc.   (7.  of  S.f  1849,  vol.  I, 
159).     Cf.   also  J.  H.  Wert,  "  Old  Time  Notes  of  Adams  County,"  nos. 
XIII  to  XV,   in  Harrisburg  Star  and  Sentinel,   Apr.    12-16,    1905. 

02  "  Let  the  reader  imagine  a  combination  of  the  very  worst  features 
of  all  the  endless  forms  of  cruelty  that  have  ever  been  devised,  from  the 
barbarities  of  the  uneducated  savage  to  the  tortures  of  the  Spanish  In 
quisition,  and  he  may  then  have  some  idea  of  the  condition  of  slavery  in 
the  United  States."  Address  of  the  Members  of  the  Philadelphia  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  to  their  Fellow  Citizens,  13,  14.  "  Resolved: — That  we 
regard  American  Slavery,  both  in  principle  and  practice,  to  be  a  violation 
of  the  law  of  God,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  in 
stitutions  of  our  country  "  .  .  .  ,  MS.  Min.  Junior  Anti-Slavery  Soc.,  24  6 
mo.,  1836.  Cf.  also  Address  to  the  Citizens  of  Pennsylvania  (by  the  con 
vention  at  Harrisburg  for  the  formation  of  a  state  anti-slavery  society, 
1837);  Address  of  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Society  to  the  Ministers  of  the 
Gospel  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  (1838).  The  Eastern  Section  of  the 
Pa.  A-S.  Soc.  issued  a  pamphlet  in  German,  Was  ist  Aufhebung  der 
Sclaverei  (Abolition)  ? 

53  Cf.   The  Doctrines  of  the  "Abolitionists"  Refuted,  etc.    (1840),  by 
J.    Washington    Tyson. 

54  Address    to    Abolitionists    (Phila.,    1838);    American    Free    Produce 
Journal,  Circular   (Phila.,   1842). 

55  "  It  is  the  duty  of  Pennsylvania  and  of  the  South,  to  do  to  others 
as  they  would  that  others  should  do  to  them.     It  is  their  duty  to  let  other 
States  secede  from  the  Union,  much  as  they  may  regret  it,  if  the  only 
means   of   preventing   it   is  to   assist  in  inflicting   a  wrong  upon   others, 
which  they  would  not  undergo  themselves  for  the  sake  of  any  political 
union  that  ever  existed."    "  We  ought  instantly  to  grant  to  all  men  the 
enjoyment  of  their  inalienable  rights."   The  Duty  of  Pennsylvania  Con 
cerning  Slavery  (1840),  4,  5. 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          219 

The  difference  between  the  new  and  the  old  method 
is  made  strikingly  evident  by  the  sudden  fury  which 
the  anti-slavery  people  drew  upon  themselves.  The 
abolitionists  had  formerly  incurred  hostility,  though 
never  very  much  ;M  but  from  about  1834  there  was  con 
demnation  of  the  new  kind  of  abolitionism  throughout 
the  state."  In  some  places  speakers  were  forbidden  to 
lecture  f  and  the  activity  of  such  advocates  together 
with  hatred  of  the  negro  was  the  direct  cause  of  the 
burning  of  Pennsylvania  Hall  and  of  the  riot  at  Phila 
delphia  in  i838.59  Beginning  with  the  political  campaign 
of  that  year,  when  Governor  Ritner  was  accused  of 
being  an  "abolitionist,"80  this  name  was  made  one  of  the 
vilest  terms  of  opprobrium  that  could  be  used  against 
an  opponent.81 

The  notoriety  which  Pennsylvania  anti-slavery  in 
common  with  that  of  other  states  of  the  North  gained 
at  this  time,  is  shown  in  the  furious  protests  which 
came  from  the  South,  demanding  the  passage  of  laws 
to  check  it.82  The  indignation  in  Pennsylvania  itself 

56  Cf.  for  example  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  Ill,  148  (1792). 

61  Marietta  Advocate,  June  5,  1834;  Columbia  Spy,  July  12,  1834; 
Reading  Democratic  Press,  Feb.  14,  Oct.  3,  1837;  Upland  Union,  Oct.  2, 
1838.  "  No  where  is  the  plan  of  instant  abolition  more  deeply  deprecated 
than  in  this  Commonwealth."  Marietta  Advocate,  July  31,  1834.  The 
Luzerne  Union,  June  i,  1853,  speaking  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  said: 
"  If  this  notorious  individual  had  dealt  out  to  him  his  just  deserts,  he 
would  probably  long  since  have  been  placed  in  a  lunatic  Asylum." 

58  Cf.  Marietta  Advocate,  July  31,  1834. 

69  See  above,  p.  162.  Cf.  also  Address  of  the  Eastern  Executive  Com 
mittee  of  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Society,  to  the  Citizens  of  Pennsylvania 
(1838);  The  Little  Western  against  the  Great  Eastern,  etc.  (1838);  Pro. 
and  Deb.  Conv.,  1837-1838,  XI,  297. 

80  Carlisle  American   Volunteer,  Mar.    i,   1838;    (Harrisburg)   Pennsyl 
vania  Reporter,  1838,  passim;  Upland  Union,  Oct.  9,  1838. 

81  Cf.   (Harrisburg)  Key  Stone,  July  i,  Sept.  3,  1851. 

82  From  S.  C.,  N.  C,  Ga.,  Ala.,  Va.,  Ky.,  Miss.     See  J.  of  H.,  1835-1836, 
vol.    II,    I9S-I99;    200-204,    387-390,    547-548,    613-614,    710-713,    760-762; 
7.  of  S.,  1835-1836,  pp.  no,  187,  438,  574,  704.     These  protests  came  from 
the  state  legislatures. 


220  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

was  so  great  that  the  Legislature  was  asked  to  suppress 
the.  evil.63  The  anti-slavery  enthusiasts  were  acknowl 
edged  to  be  a  public  nuisance,64  but  the  Legislature  had 
already  concluded  that  while  their  arguments  might  be 
harmful,  it  would  be  unwise  to  prohibit  their  utter 
ance.65  For  a  while  anti-slavery  continued  to  be  con 
demned  ;M  the  leaders  of  the  older  abolition  movement 
discountenanced  it;67  and  special  protection  from  mob 

63  A  law  was  asked  to  punish  as  vagrants  "  idlers  .  .  .  prowling  through 
the  country  calling  themselves  abolitionists,  without  any  visible  means  of 
support,  stirring  up  discord  and  dissension  among  the  people  "  .  .  .  J.  of  H.t 
1836-1837,  vol.  I,  770. 

64  Resolution  of  the  House,  /.   of  H.,  1837-1838,  vol.  I,  291. 

65  7.  of  H.,  1835-1836,  vol.  II,  804-806. 

66  Sleigh,   Abolitionism  Exposed    (1838);   Abolition   A    Sedition,  By   a 
Northern  Man  (1839),  where  the  methods  of  the  American  A-S.  Soc.  are 
contrasted  with  the  quiet  work  of  the  Quaker  abolitionists. 

67  Cf.   the   remarkable   letter  of   William  Rawle,  one  of  the  presidents 
of  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  read  before  the  Pa.  Constitutional  Convention, 
Feb.  5,  1838.     "  The  objects  of  this  association  were  temperate,  legitimate 
and  correct — they  were   substantially  confined  to  the  limits  of  our  own 
state — much    individual    good    was    done — coloured    people    suffering    by 
reason  of  fraud  or  unlawful  violence  were  relieved — the  pursuits  of  them 
by  persons  falsely  claiming  rights  to  their   service  were  judiciously  re 
pelled — their   youth   were   educated — their   industry   assisted — in   sickness 
they    were    aided — and    in    the    hour    of    death    they    were    solaced    and 
supported. 

"  In  all  this  no  offense  was  given  to  the  citizens  of  other  states.  Their 
boundaries  were  respected,  and  their  laws  and  constitutions  not  attempted 
to  be  violated.  A  belief  was  entertained  that  an  abhorrence  of  slavery 
would  gradually  work  its  way,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  society 
patiently  to  wait  the  event. 

"  It  was  not  till  the  year  1833,  that  some  well  meaning  men,  chiefly 
north  of  our  city,  exhibited  indications  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  slow 
progress  that  had  been  made  in  the  work  of  general  emancipation.  So 
cieties  were  formed  with  the  express  object  of  producing — if  possible — 
an  immediate  and  total  extinction  of  slavery  throughout  the  United 
States,  not  by  force,  but  by  reasoning,  and  by  endeavouring  to  convince 
the  holders  of  slaves  that  their  conduct  was  inconsistent  with  morality, 
religion,  and  even  their  own  interest." 

"  It  appeared  to  me  that  however  fair  and  promising  in  the  abstract, 
this  course  might  be,  it  could  not  be  long  pursued  without  exciting  jeal 
ousy,  suspicion,  and  dissatisfaction,  on  the  part  of  the  slave-holders  of 
the  southern  states.  Conviction  was  less  likely  to  be  produced  than  oppo 
sition."  Pro.  and  Deb.,  XI,  287,  288. 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          221 

violence  was  sharply  refused.68  It  was  the  opinion  of 
conservative  people  that  the  results  of  the  movement 
were  disappointing,  and  that  in  Pennsylvania  it  had  in 
creased  the  prejudice  against  the  negro  race.69 

After  1839  there  was  a  reaction,  and  gradually  oppo 
sition  to  anti-slavery  decreased.  On  the  one  hand  the 
work,  if  not  less  vigorous,  was  at  least  less  conspicuous, 
while  on  the  other  radical  feeling  in  Pennsylvania 
slowly  increased.70  After  1850  the  trend  of  national 
affairs  made  many  converts,  and  what  was  regarded  in 
Pennsylvania  as  the  aggression  of  the  Southern  slave 
power  caused  numbers  of  men  to  become  more  active 
against  Southern  slavery.71  This  is  seen  in  nothing 
more  clearly  than  in  the  rise  of  the  Society  of  Progres 
sive  Friends. 

It  has  been  shown  that  in  Pennsylvania  warfare 
against  slavery  was  from  the  first  carried  on  by  the 
Friends.  They  had  most  to  do  with  destroying  it,  and 
they  had  formed  the  backbone  of  the  old  Abolition  So 
ciety.  After  1833,  however,  the  leadership  fell  to  the 
more  aggressive  anti-slavery  societies,  owing  to  dissat 
isfaction  with  the  conservative  methods  of  the  elder  or 
ganization.  This  dissatisfaction  was  felt  by  many  of 

68  Cf.  Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  Relative  to  the  Abo 
lition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  etc.  (1839),  10. 

88  Cf.  Remarks  of  Dr.  Burden  (1838),  8,  9;  Letter  of  W.  Rawle  quoted 
in  Pro.  and  Deb.,  XI,  288. 

70  In   1838  the  abolitionist  tone  of  Governor  Ritner's  message  had  as 
tonished  the  state.     Cf.  (Wilkesbarre)  Republican  Farmer,  Aug.  8,  1838, 
which    declared    that    Ritner's    encouragement    had    made    abolitionism    a 
force    in    Pennsylvania.      Thaddeus    Stevens    was   blamed    for    this   con 
version.     Bedford  Gazette,  June  22,  1838. 

71  "  If  the  abolitionists  just  now   have  unusual  popularity  and  power, 
it  is  because  the  Democrats  have  gratuitously  violated  pledges,  invaded 
human  rights,  and  shed  human  blood."  Harrisburg  Telegraph,  Sept.  25, 
1856. 


222  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

the  Quakers  themselves.72  After  1840  the  members  of 
some  of  the  Quaker  Meetings  began  silently  dividing 
into  two  parties,  one  favoring  the  quiet,  traditional 
methods,  the  other  desiring  active  participation  in  the 
new  anti-slavery  movement.  In  most  cases  this  split 
went  no  further  than  animated  discussions  in  the  meet 
ings  ;  but  in  1845  the  Western  Quarterly  Meeting  held 
at  London  Grove  was  broken  up  by  Stephen  S.  Foster, 
an  ardent  advocate  who  urged  immediate  emancipa 
tion.78  He  had  many  followers,  and  for  some  years  one 
of  the  meeting  houses  was  used  by  them  after  the  sit 
ting  of  the  conservative  Friends  was  over.74  After 
a  while,  however,  the  doors  were  locked  upon  them, 
and  a  definite  secession  took  place.75  In  1853  they  and 
others  like  minded  met  in  Kennett  Square  and  founded 
the  Society  of  Progressive  Friends.78  Thereafter  there 
were  no  more  vigorous  opponents  of  slavery  than  they, 
none  more  outspoken  and  bitter  in  denouncing  it.77 

Although  abolitionism  incurred  some  odium  and  anti- 
slavery  often  encountered  active  hostility,  yet  both  were 

72  One  of  the  most  picturesque  of  these  was  Isaac  T.  Hopper.    Cf.  L.  M. 
Child,  Life  of  Isaac  T.  Hopper,  314;  H.  Simpson,  The  Lives  of  Eminent 
Philadelphians,   Now  Deceased,   548-563. 

73  Edith  Pennock,  "  Early  History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Yearly  Meeting 
of   Progressive   Friends,"  Proceedings   of,   1891. 

74  Ibid. 

75  It  began  among  the  Hicksite  Friends,  who  had  tnemselves  formerly 
seceded  from  the  Orthodox  Quakers.     MS.  by  Edith  Pennock  in  possession 
of  the  author. 

76  Edith  Pennock,  in  Proceedings  Pa.  Yr.  M.  Pro.  Friends,  1891,  p.  12. 

77  "  American  Slavery,  the  master  crime  of  our  country  and  of  the  age." 
Pro.  Pa.  Yr.  M.  Progressive  Friends,  1853,  P-  3i-     "  That  gigantic  system 
of  robbery  and  wrong,  American  Slavery  "  Ibid.,  1856,  p.  43.     "  Hence 
forth,  the  duty  of  the  North  is  plain.     It  is  at  once  to  repent  of  its  iniquity, 
and  to  withdraw  from  its  present  alliance  with  the  South  ...    It  is  to  pro 
claim  the  American  Union  a  wild  and  guilty  experiment  .  .  .  pandering  to 
all  the  demands  and  necessities  of  the  Slave  Power,  and  sure,  if  not  abol 
ished,  to  bring  destruction  upon  the  whole  land."   Ibid.,  1857,  14.    Cf.  ibid., 
1858,  p.  35- 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          223 

able  to  exert  great  influence  in  Pennsylvania,  because 
after  all  they  only  expressed  in  radical  manner  ideas 
widely  held  there.  After  1780  the  dislike  of  the  people 
for  slavery  came  by  degrees  to  be  almost  universal  in 
the  state.  This  feeling  was  the  cause  of  the  numerous 
protests  against  the  slave-trade,  against  the  extension 
of  slavery,  and  against  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  Even  in  the  Legislature  men  were  bold  and 
outspoken,  and  restrained,  when  at  all,  only  by  the 
desire  not  to  offend  the  South. 

Pennsylvania's  hostility  to  slavery  intruded  into 
national  politics  in  1804,  when  Bard,  one  of  her  repre 
sentatives,  moved  in  Congress  that  negroes  imported 
into  the  United  States  should  be  taxed  ten  dollars  each.78 
Two  years  later  the  Legislature  instructed  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  state  to  press  for  a  constitutional 
amendment  putting  an  end  to  the  slave-trade  at  once." 
Similar  expressions  continued  until  the  traffic  was  for 
bidden  in  i8o8.so 

Opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  began  at  the 
time  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  when  Pennsylvania, 
in  common  with  other  northern  states,  passed  strong 
resolutions,  which  if  fruitless  at  least  showed  her  atti 
tude  clearly.81  Later,  after  the  Compromise  had  passed, 

™Annals  of  Congress,  8  Cong.,  i  sess.,  820,  cited  in  Channing,  Jeffer- 
sonian  System,  105. 

n  J.  of  H.,  1805-1806,  pp.  434,  435. 

80  "  The  General  Assembly  look  forward  with  Confidence,  that  as  soon 
as  that  period  arrives,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  will  promptly 
exercise  their  power,  to  wipe  off  that  foul  stain  which  has  long  tarnished 
the  American  character."     Resolution  of  Mar.    19,    1807.     Acts  of  Ass., 

l8o6-l807,  p.  3OI.   Cf.  J.  Of  S.,  1807-1808,  pp.  174,  203,  212. 

81  Extension  of  slavery  was  declared  to  be  a  policy  "  which,  if  adopted, 
would  impede  the  march  of  humanity  and  freedom  through  the  world; 
and  would  transfer  from  a  misguided  ancestry  an  odious  stain  and  fix 
it  indelibly  upon  the  present  race  "...    /.  of  H.,  1819-1820,  p.  52.     The 
resolution  was  adopted  unanimously.    Ibid.,  97,  98.    Cf.  J.  of  S.,  1810-1820, 
pp.   7,   64,   69,    75,    77. 


224  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

a  blow  was  aimed  at  the  very  root  of  the  trouble,  for  in 
1824  the  House  resolved  that  it  was  expedient  that  the 
several  state  governments  should  cooperate  with  the 
government  of  the  United  States  so  as  to  procure 
gradual  abolition  throughout  the  Union.  This  was  to 
be  done  without  any  infringement  of  state  rights.82  A 
similar  resolution  passed  the  Senate  in  the  following 
year,33  while  the  sentiment  of  the  people  was  shown  in 
numerous  petitions.8* 

An  object  sought  far  more  persistently  was  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  During  the  entire  generation  before  the 
Compromise  of  1850  petitions  were  sent  to  the  Legis 
lature  asking  that  Congress  be  urged  to  bring  this 
about.85  In  1828-1829  the  Legislature  passed  almost 
unanimously  a  resolution  instructing  Pennsylvania's 
congressmen  to  work  for  abolition  in  the  District  ;86  and 
when  in  1831  the  State  Senate,  replying  to  a  petition 
from  the  American  Convention  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  said  that  nothing  more  could  be  done,  it  de- 

82  J.  of  H.,  1823-1824,  pp.  825,  968. 

83  7.   of  S.,  1825-1826,  pp.   77,  78,    152,   155. 

84  J.  of  H.,  1826-1827,  vol.  I,  317,  392,  433,  444,  459,  480,  509;  J.  of  S., 
1826-1827,  pp.  553,  669;  J.  of  S.,  1827-1828,  p.  133- 

83  7.  of  H.,  1827-1828,  vol.  I,  179,  239,  256,  330,  414,  495,  682;  7.  of  H., 
1830-1831,  vol.  I,  140;  /.  of  H.,  1836-1837,  vol.  I,  435;  J-  of  H.,  1837-1838, 
vol.  I,  45,  97,  134,  161,  187,  219,  237,  264,  388;  J.  of  S.,  1837-1838,  vol.  I, 
130,  139;  7.  of  H.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  127,  160,  222,  232,  251,  262,  309,  344, 
376,  377,  394,  417,  432,  455.  468,  572;  7.  of  S.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  368,  404, 
409,  420,  423,  441,  452,  527;  J.  of  H.,  1840,  vol.  I,  366;  7.  of  H.,  1841, 
vol.  I,  149.  These  petitions  came  from  all  parts  of  the  state,  a  large 
proportion  from  anti-slavery  societies.  Many  contained  the  signatures 
of  women. 

86  Laws  of  Ass.,  1828-1829,  p.  371;  J.  of  H.,  1827-1828,  vol.  I,  610,  798; 
vol.  II,  891,  892;  J.  of  S.,  1828-1829,  pp.  152,  166,  168,  169,  172.  Cf. 
Speech  of  Mr.  Miner  ...  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery  and  the  Slave  Trade 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  etc.  (1829). 


ABOLITIONISM  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY          225 

clared  bitterly  that  slavery  at  the  Federal  capital  was  a 
foul  stain  upon  the  character  of  the  nation.87 

Meanwhile  the  Legislature  continued  to  be  memorial 
ized  about  the  spread  of  slavery  into  new  territory,88  the 
domestic  slave-trade  was  reviled,88  and  the  bitterest  re 
proach  that  could  be  cast  upon  a  candidate  for  public 
office  was  that  he  was  a  slaveholder  or  a  dealer  in 
slaves.80  Sometimes  a  voice  was  raised  in  favor  of  the 
South,  asserting  that  it  should  not  be  blamed  for  the 
system  which  it  had  inherited,  and  of  which  it  could  not 
get  rid;91  but  as  a  rule  condemnation  was  hearty  and 
general.83  Therefore  when  in  1846  David  Wilmot  urged 
his  famous  Proviso  in  Congress,  it  may  be  seen  that 
whatever  his  motives  were,  he  had  behind  him  a  large 
part  of  the  people  of  his  state. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  before  1850  a  majority 
of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  were  hostile  to  slavery 
anywhere.  Most  of  them  believed  that  they  had  no 
right  to  interfere  with  Southern  problems,  and  strongly 
desired  to  avoid  offending  the  South,83  so  that  at  times 
rabid  anti-slavery  leaders  were  dejected.94  After  1850, 

s7  J.  of  S.,  1830-1831,  pp.  460,  461. 

88  For  example  /.  of  S.,  1838-1839,  vol.  I,  314,  423;  /.  of  S.,  1850,  vol.  I, 
548.     Cf.  Bradford  Reporter,  Jan.  5,  1847. 

89  Cf.  Westmoreland  Intelligencer,  Jan.  24,  1834. 

90  Cf.  Harrisburg  Argus,  July  26,  1828,  which  accuses  Gen.  Jackson,  with 
York  Gazette,  Oct.  24,   1828,  which  reviles  Henry  Clay. 

01  Philadelphian,  Feb.  19,  1835. 

92  "  It  need  not  be  concealed,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  in  Penn 
sylvania,  we,  with  a  unanimity  unequalled  on  any  other  subject,  regard 
slavery  as  a  national  curse  and  a  national  disgrace."    J.  X.  McLanahan, 
Speech  ...  on  the  Slave  Question  (1850),  6. 

93  This  is  obvious  in  almost  every  Pennsylvania  newspaper  down  to  the 
very  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War.     Cf.  for  example  the  calm  discussion  of 
the  Dred  Scott  decision  in  the  Public  Ledger,  Mar.  10,  19,  1857. 

84  Cf.  ibid.,  Mar.  30,  1857,  for  report  of  an  address  made  by  a  mulatto 
from  Massachusetts. 

16 


226  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

however,  the  rapid  movement  of  national  events,  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  troubles  in 
Kansas,  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  all  made  new  con 
verts,  and  all  made  existing  anti-slavery  feeling 
stronger.  Beyond  all  of  these  things  the  law  of  1850 
embittered  feeling,  and  made  more  acute  a  question 
that  had  long  been  a  source  of  trouble.  This  was  the 
question  of  fugitive  slaves. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
FUGITIVE  SLAVES. 

IN  the  treatment  of  the  Pennsylvania  negro  after 
1800  there  is  seemingly  a  strange  contradiction,  for  he 
was  the  victim  of  violent  prejudice  at  the  same  time 
that  he  received  the  liveliest  sympathy  and  aid.  During 
the  whole  period,  while  funds  were  being  raised  to  ship 
negroes  to  Africa,  while  the  Legislature  was  over 
whelmed  with  petitions  for  their  exclusion,  while  one 
race  riot  followed  another,  and  while  everything  was 
done  to  convince  the  world  that  Pennsylvania  desired 
no  negroes,  or  at  least  no  more  of  them,  there  was  wit 
nessed  the  curious  spectacle  of  action  on  the  part  of  the 
state,  which  betrayed  an  apparent  desire  to  have  them 
after  all.  From  1830  to  1860  almost  never  was  assist 
ance  refused  to  a  fugitive  slave  from  the  South,  even 
when  he  was  known  to  be  such ;  and  during  this  time 
it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  a  master  could 
recover  his  property.  In  the  course  of  this  conduct 
men  and  women  of  Pennsylvania  went  any  length  of 
risk  and  self-sacrifice  to  assist  runaways.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  period  the  state  was  brought  to  the  threshold 
of  nullification.  All  this  was  for  the  most  part  the  out 
come  of  the  abolitionist  and  anti-slavery  movements, 
which  at  last  overran  the  entire  state. 

In  her  earlier  history  Pennsylvania  was  involved  in 
no  difficulties  with  neighboring  states  because  of  fugi 
tives,  since  she  then  had  numerous  slaves  of  her  own, 

227 


228  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

many  of  whom  ran  away.  Accordingly  when  advertise 
ments  appeared  in  the  Philadelphia  papers  about  ne 
groes  who  had  fled  from  Virginia  or  Maryland,  they 
generally  appeared  intermingled  with  similar  advertise 
ments  inserted  by  masters  of  the  city  and  county  nearby.1 
The  legislation  on  the  subject  while  negative  was  of  a 
friendly  character.  The  abolition  act  of  1780  distinctly 
affirmed  that  its  provisions  covered  no  fugitive,2  and 
after  the  first  law  was  made  against  kidnapping  it  was 
decided  that  it  gave  no  relief  to  a  runaway  slave.3  Hence 
fugitives  from  the  South  like  runaways  in  Pennsylva 
nia  were  detained  in  the  county  jail,  where  the  local 
authorities  might  lodge  them  on  suspicion,  and  where 
they  were  kept  pending  the  arrival  of  the  owners.  Ad 
vertisements  to  inform  owners  were  inserted  in  the 
newspapers,  and  masters  might  get  their  slaves  on 
proving  ownership  and  paying  the  costs.  If  no  claim 
ant  appeared,  a  negro  who  had  been  detained  was  sold 
or  set  free  at  the  discretion  of  the  local  court.* 

The  increasing  activity  of  the  Quakers  and  the  aboli 
tionists  made  it  impossible  for  such  conditions  to  last, 
since  the  people  who  were  so  eager  to  help  the  former 
slaves  of  Pennsylvania  began  also  to  pity  the  fugitives 
from  states  nearby.  Even  as  early  as  1792  complaint 
was  made  that  certain  persons  were  seducing  and  har- 

1  Phila.  newspapers  passim,  also  many  notices  in  the  early  papers  of  the 
border   counties,   as    (York)    Pennsylvania  Herald,  Harrisburg  C  our  ant, 
Lancaster  Intelligencer. 

2  Stat.  at  L.,  X,  71. 

3  Laws  of  Pennsylvania  (Dallas),  II,  587;  2  Dallas  224-228  (1795). 

4  See  above,  p.  49.     Cf.  Pa.  Gazette,  Feb.  18,  1801.     The  earlier  spirit 
is  revealed  in  a  letter  from  President  Muhlenberg  to  Governor  Randolph 
of  Virginia,  asking  whether  a  certain  fugitive  was  owned  there,  and  saying 
that  he  "  will  .  .  .  with  pleasure  restore  him  to  his  owner."    i  Pa.  Arch., 
XI,  249,  256. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  229 

boring  slaves  from  Virginia.5  In  1804  a  traveller 
speaks  of  a  Friend,  a  tailor  of  Philadelphia,  who  used 
to  sit  at  his  front  window,  and  leave  his  work  whenever 
he  saw  a  negro  whom  he  thought  to  be  a  runaway.  If 
such  proved  to  be  the  case,  he  would  help  him  to  reach 
the  interior  parts  of  the  state.6  Meanwhile  news  began 
to  reach  the  negroes  to  the  southward  that  they  had  a 
fair  chance  of  being  assisted  to  their  freedom  if  they  es 
caped  across  the  line.7  The  result  of  the  aid  given  by 
individuals  together  with  an  increasing  sentiment  which 
made  the  existing  laws  both  inadequate  and  difficult  of 
enforcement,  was  that  great  numbers  of  slaves  fled 
north  into  Pennsylvania  and  found  refuge  there.  Such 
proportions  did  this  movement  assume  that  in  1813  a 
petition  to  the  Legislature  said  that  there  were  four 
thousand  runaway  negroes  in  Philadelphia  alone.8  At 
the  same  time  they  were  spoken  of  as  undesirable  in  the 
extreme.9  The  increasing  difficulty  of  getting  slaves 
back  to  the  South  is  in  no  way  so  evident  as  that,  al 
though  the  number  of  fugitives  was  continually  grow 
ing,  their  masters  ceased  advertising  for  them  in  the 
papers.  After  1820  such  advertisements  were  rare. 

While  the  loss  occasioned  by  this  fleeing  from  service 
was  felt  in  all  the  neighboring  Southern  states,  the  one 

5  /.  of  S.,  1791-1792,  p.  74. 

6  "  Where  he  would  be  sure  to  find  employment."     Sutcliff,  Travels  in 
Some  Parts  of  North  America,   58. 

7  "  The  slaves  in  this  state  "  (Virginia)  "  generally  supposing  they  may 
obtain  their  freedom  by  going  into  Pennsylvania  makes  it  highly  probable 
that  he  is  in  some  part  of  that  state."     Advt.  for  a  runaway,  Pa.  Packet, 
Oct.  22,  1789. 

"7.  of  H.,  1812-1813,  p.  417. 

9  Ibid.  Cf.  also  3  Sergeant  and  Rawle  6  (1817):  "These  runaway 
slaves  are  often  guilty  of  riots,  violent  assaults  and  batteries,  and  other 
offences,  which,  though  not  felonious,  are  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the 
commonwealth."  Cf.  7.  of  H.,  1818-1819,  p.  139. 


230  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

which  naturally  suffered  most  damage  was  Maryland. 
In  1 80 1  she  asked  Pennsylvania  for  assistance,  but  reply 
was  made  that  the  matter  was  covered  by  the  Federal 
fugitive  slave  law  of  I793-10  In  1817  Maryland  formally 
complained  that  Pennsylvania  encouraged  her  run 
aways,  and  in  the  next  year  her  General  Assembly 
passed  a  resolution  requesting  that  the  executives  of 
the  two  states  endeavor  to  find  a  remedy.11  Nothing 
was  done ;  but  meanwhile  the  stream  of  fugitives  in 
creased  to  such  an  extent  that  in  the  year  following 
even  the  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  asked  the  Legis 
lature  to  interfere.12 

In  1822  the  Governor  of  Maryland  transmitted  a 
resolution  of  the  Legislature  of  his  state  which  de 
clared  that  the  encouragement  given  to  runaways  by 
citizens  of  Delaware  and  of  Pennsylvania  had  caused 
such  serious  injury  to  owners,  and  that  harboring  them 
had  increased  so  alarmingly,  that  it  would  be  criminal 
to  keep  silence  any  longer.  It  asked  that  the  respective 
Legislatures  endeavor  to  prevent  this."  A  committee 
of  the  Pennsylvania  House,  to  which  this  communica 
tion  was  referred,  declared  that  it  did  not  believe  that 
the  laws  of  the  commonwealth  were  adequate.14  In  the 
next  year  another  long  communication  from  Maryland 
related  that  her  people  were  beginning  to  view  Penn 
sylvania  as  a  hostile  state ;  that  some  of  her  citizens 
had  recently  been  murdered  when  attempting  to  recover 

10 /.  of  H.,  1800-1801,  pp.  350,  416;  /.  of  S.,  1800-1801,  p.  231. 

11  7.  of  H.,  1816-1817,  pp.  524,  525,  577,  578,  627. 

12  7.  of  H.,  1818-1819,  p.   139. 

13  4  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  371-373,  386,  387;  J.  of  H.,  1821-1822,  pp.  1067-1069; 
7.  of  S.,  1821-1822,  pp.  739-741. 

14  They  did  not  give  the  protection  "  which  in  good  faith  we  are  bound 
to  give."     J.   of  H.,  1821-1822,  pp.   1115,   1116. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  231 

their  slaves  across  the  line  ;15  and  that  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania  had  interposed  every  possible  obstacle, 
going  so  far  as  to  encourage  negroes  to  resist  by  tell- 
thing  them  that  they  had  the  right  to  put  pursuing 
owners  to  death.16  Finally  in  1826  Maryland  sent  three 
commissioners  to  negotiate  with  the  Legislature  of 
Pennsylvania  about  how  best  to  facilitate  the  recovery 
of  runaways,  and  also  how  to  prevent  their  absconding.17 
Thus  as  early  as  this  time  the  Federal  law  respecting 
fugitives  had  come  to  have  so  little  effect,  that  it  was 
necessary  for  these  two  states  practically  to  arrange  a 
treaty." 

In  the  capture  and  return  of  fugitive  slaves  the  pro 
cedure  at  this  time  in  force  was  that  ordained  by  the 
United  States  law  of  1793."  This  law  declared  that  any 
owner,  his  agent,  or  attorney  empowered,  might  reclaim 
a  runaway  wherever  found ;  but  that  in  so  doing  he 
must  take  the  fugitive  before  the  judge  of  a  Circuit 

15  1821.  Cf.  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  XIX,  336.  This  case  affords  an 
excellent  illustration  of  the  hazard  encountered  by  pursuing  masters.  A 
runaway  negro  from  Maryland  had  established  himself  in  Chester  County. 
He  had  lived  there  for  some  time  when  late  one  night  his  master  at 
tempted  to  enter  his  house,  saying  that  he  had  a  warrant  to  search  for 
stolen  goods.  The  negro  killed  him  and  one  of  his  companions.  At  the 
trial  it  was  shown  that  the  negro  was  a  runaway,  but  it  was  asserted  that 
under  the  curcumstances  he  had  some  right  of  self  defense.  He  was  not 
returned  to  Maryland,  but  was  sentenced  to  seven  years  in  the  peniten 
tiary  for  manslaughter.  Cf.  Pa.  Mag.,  XIII,  106-109. 

16 /.  of  S.,  1822-1823,  pp.  233,  234.  In  Philadelphia  in  1824,  when  an 
alleged  runaway  was  remanded  to  jail,  one  hundred  and  fifty  armed  ne 
groes  attempted  his  rescue.  For  this  seven  of  the  ringleaders  were  sent 
to  prison.  Democratic  Press,  Sept.  7,  1824;  American  Daily  Advertiser, 
Sept.  8,  1824;  Niles's  Reg.,  XXVII,  32.  For  a  similar  incident,  cf. 
Greensburg  Gazette,  Jan.  28,  1825. 

17  4  Pa.  Arch.,  V,  627-629. 

18  Cf.  4  Pa.  Arch.  VIII,  291. 

19  "  An    Act    respecting   fugitives    from   justice,    and   persons   escaping 
from  the  service  of  their  masters."     U.  S.  Stat.  at  L.,  2  Cong.,  2  sess., 
ch.  7,  1793- 


232  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Court  or  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  or  before 
the  magistrate  of  the  county,  city,  or  town,  who,  on 
satisfactory  proof,  should  issue  an  order  granting  the 
negro  to  his  master.20  It  imposed  a  penalty  of  five  hun 
dred  dollars  upon  any  one  who  obstructed  pursuit,  as 
sisted  a  negro  to  escape,  or  harbored  or  concealed  a 
fugitive  ;  besides  which  the  claimant  might  bring  action 
for  injury.21  This  law  had  remained  comparatively  un 
affected  by  any  legislation  of  Pennsylvania.  Only  in 
1820,  because,  as  it  was  asserted,  great  abuses  existed, 
an  act  was  passed  forbidding  aldermen  or  justices  of 
the  peace  to  act  in  fugitive  slave  cases.22  On  the  other 
hand  nothing  had  been  done  to  give  efficacy  to  the  law, 
and  it  was  now  thought  that  this  should  be  done. 

On  arriving  the  Maryland  delegation  conferred  with 
a  joint  committee  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature, 
which  prepared  a  bill  designed  to  assist  the  execution 
of  the  law  of  the  United  States.28  The  work  was  done 
with  swiftness  and  decision.  Numerous  petitions  were 

20  "  Whereas  John  a  negro  man  aged  about  twenty-seven  years  of  age 
of  black  complection  has  been  claimed  before  me  Jonathan  T.  Knight  an 
Associate  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  of  Philadelphia  County  by 
Richard  Ireland  Jones  of  Anne  Arundel  County  Maryland,  as  a  fugitive 
from  the  service  of  him  .  .  .  and  I  being  satisfied  upon  proof  made  to  my 
satisfaction  that  the  said  John  does  owe  labour  and  service  to  the  said  .  .  . 
Jones  under  the  laws  of  Maryland  ...  I  have  granted  this  certificate  to  the 
said  .  .  .  Jones,  which  shall  be  sufficient  warrant  to  him  ...  for  removing 
said  John  ...  to  ...  Maryland  from  which  he  fled  "...     MS.  in  Misc. 
Coll.,   Box   10,  Negroes. 

21  Cf.   Hill   v.   Law    (1822),   4   Washington's  Circuit  Court  Rep.,   327- 
331;  Van  Metre  v.  Mitchell  (1847),  4  Pa.  Law  Journal  Rep.,  (in)-(i2o) ; 
2  Wallace  Jr.  311-323. 

22  See  above,  p.   117. 

23  "  An  Act  To  give  effect  to  the  provisions  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  relative  to  fugitives  from  labor,  for  the  protection  of  free 
people  of  color,  and  to  prevent  kidnapping."    Acts  of  Assembly,  1825-1826, 
p.  150. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  233 

received,  and  the  bill  was  thoroughly  debated  f*  but  in 
spite  of  strenuous  opposition  it  passed  both  houses,  and 
the  Governor  signed  it  immediately.25 

The  law  of  1826  gave  to  slave-owners  substantial 
help  in  one  respect  only:  it  permitted  a  claimant  to 
place  an  alleged  runaway  in  the  Pennsylvania  jails 
pending  his  trial.  It  provided  that  the  claimant  under 
oath  must  secure  a  warrant  for  the  arrest,  and  produce 
evidence  together  with  an  affidavit  subscribed  before  a 
justice  of  the  peace  of  that  locality  from  which  the 
fugitive  had  escaped.  The  testimony  of  other  inter 
ested  parties  was  to  be  debarred.26  On  the  other  hand 
the  act  provided  heavy  penalties  to  prevent  kidnapping, 
and  to  protect  free  people  of  color.27 

This  law,  which  was  the  most  that  the  people  of  Penn 
sylvania  were  ever  willing  to  do  for  slave-owners  else 
where,  marks  a  turning  point.  Almost  immediately  the 
current  began  setting  slowly  but  surely  against  giving 
any  help  at  all.  In  the  very  next  year  a  supplementary 
law  was  passed,28  and  after  that  time  there  is  a  steadily 

24 /.  of  H.,  1825-1826,  pp.  307.  3io,  323,  341,  344,  345,  350,  351,  352. 
358,  359,  362,  364,  365,  366,  371,  372,  374,  376-383,  384-387,  389,  625; 
J.  of  S.,  1825-1826,  pp.  282-284,  333,  339,  349,  350,  353,  354,  466,  468, 
472,  481,  491,  494,  511.  The  Pa.  Abolition  Society  protested  that  the  law 
contemplated  might  make  felons  of  its  members.  Cf.  Phila.  Gazette,  Feb. 
1 6,  1826. 

25 /.  of  H.,  1825-1826,  pp.  389,  644,  657;  /.  of  S.,  1825-1826,  p.  491. 

28  Acts  of  Assembly,  1825-1826,  pp.   150-155. 

27  Ibid.    In  the  end  even  the  abolitionists  were  almost  satisfied  with  this 
law.     Cf.  MS.  Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  IX,  202,  210,  216,  224;  also  MS. 
Min.,   1825-1847,  pp.  29-33. 

28  "  An  Act  to  prevent  certain  abuses  of  the  laws  relative  to  fugitives 
from  labour,"  ..."  whereas,  The  traffic  in  slaves,  now  abhorred  by  all  the 
civilized  world,  ought  not  in  the  slightest  degree  to  be  tolerated  in  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania  "...  the  sale  of  a  fugitive  in  the  state  is  forbidden 
under  heavy  penalties.    Laws  of  Assembly,  1827,  pp.  485,  486.  Cf.  J.  of  H., 
1828-1827,  pp.  26,  33,  88,  89,  100,  no,  786,  788;  /.  of  S.,  1826-1827,  pp.  245, 
983. 


234  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

rising  tide  of  protest  against  doing  anything  to  the  det 
riment  of  freedom. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  feeling  was  partly 
excited  by  the  successful  capture  of  a  number  of  fugi 
tives.  In  1831  a  negress  was  arrested,  and  the  proof 
being  sufficient  she  was  taken  away,  the  picture  of  de 
spair,  it  is  said.29  In  1833  there  was  so  sad  an  occur 
rence  that  it  was  remarked  that  such  incidents  caused 
many  people  of  the  North  to  demand  immediate  emanci 
pation.80  Two  years  later  there  was  a  most  pathetic 
case,  and  the  strong  feeling  evoked  caused  a  riot  in 
which  two  witnesses  were  injured.31  Several  captures 
were  effected  about  the  time  that  the  Constitutional  Con 
vention  began  sitting  in  i837.32  During  these  years  the 
same  tactics  began  to  be  employed  as  found  place  in 
the  final  destruction  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  itself.33 
The  Quakers  and  the  abolitionists  used  every  possible 
legal  technicality,  and  took  advantage  of  every  one  of 
the  law's  delays.84  Counsel  was  often  hired,  or  efforts 
were  made  to  buy  the  captive  free.86  Frequently  the 

29  Village  Record,  quoted  in  Inquirer,  July  8,   1831. 
80  Editorial   in   Inquirer,  June   i,    1833.     The  woman  was  taken   away 
from  her  husband  and  six  children. 

31  Inquirer,  June  17,   19,   1835;  also  editorial  ibid.,  June  24,  1835. 

32  Inquirer,  Aug.  8,  Nov.  29,  Dec.  5,  1837;  Sentinel,  Dec.  19,  1837. 

33  See  above,  pp.  81-82. 

34  Cf.  Hazard's  Register,  VII,  136;  4  Pa.  Law  Journal,  (6),  (7);  (Har- 
risburg)  Pennsylvania  Telegraph,  June  8,  1842.     In  1835  two  gentlemen 
from  Virginia,  while  taking  back  their  fugitive  slaves,  were  arrested  for 
travelling  on  Sunday.    Volunteer  lawyers,  who  had  secretly  arranged  the 
matter,  argued  the  case  at  such  length,  that  the  slaves,  who  had  mean 
while  been  set  at  large  by  other  conspirators,  were  never  retaken.     The 
owners  got  heavy  damages,  however.     Butler  Repository,  June  23,   1836. 

35  Inquirer,    June    17,    1835;   id.,   July   8,    1831;    Aug.    8,    1837;    Public 
Ledger,  Jan.  27,  1851. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  235 

sympathies  of  the  court  were  entirely  with  the  fugi 
tive.38 

Meanwhile  the  Legislature  was  besieged  with  peti 
tions  asking  that  alleged  runaways  be  allowed  trial  by 
jury.  Had  such  trial  been  granted  there  can  be  very 
little  doubt  that  at  times  few  owners  would  have  recov 
ered  slaves,  however  clear  their  title.  It  was  probably 
because  the  abolitionists  realized  the  strength  of  popu 
lar  feeling  against  slavery  that  jury  trial  was  requested. 
It  was  demanded  insistently  and  continually  through 
session  after  session  of  the  Legislature.  The  number 
of  petitions  sent  in  was  prodigious.  If  they  received 
any  consideration  at  all,  they  must  have  distracted  much 
of  the  members'  attention.37  When  the  Convention  of 
1837-1838  was  sitting  one  of  the  matters  which  occa 
sioned  long  debate  was  this  same  thing.  It  was  argued 
with  great  eloquence  that  under  existing  conditions  the 
trial  of  fugitives  could  be  a  mockery  of  justice  ;  and  that 
kidnapping  was  encouraged,  since  negroes  undoubtedly 
free  might  be  tried  in  the  same  manner.88  Some  as 
serted  that  the  Federal  statute  did  not  preclude  grant 
ing  jury  trial,  or  at  least  that  the  United  States  Consti- 

86  For  Robert  Wharton,  alderman  and  mayor  of  Philadelphia,  who 
during  forty  years  never  surrendered  one  runaway,  see  L.  M.  Child, 
Life  of  Isaac  T.  Hopper,  141. 

37  Cf.  J.  of  H.,  1835-1836,  vol.  I,  336,  423,  445,  468,  492,  522,  590,  6 1 8, 
648,  720,  797,  901,    1003;  7.  of  S.,  1835-1836,  vol.  I,  329,  376,  428,  482; 
/.  of  H.,  1836-1837,  vol.   I,    108,   132,   168,   183,   194,    199,   247,  284,  316, 
344,  350,  371,  406,  437,  467,  648,  671,  800;  /.  of  S.,  1836-1837,  vol.  I,  no, 
125,  137.  143.  ISO,  159,   171,   197,  206,  212,  224,  228,  244,  273,  279,  285, 
300,   315,   372;  7.   of  H.,  1840,  vol.   I,    140,  264,  292,   344,   422,  447,   507, 
613,    649,    707,    1136;   /.    of   S.,   1840,   pp.    143,    151,    157,    182,    183,   211, 
232,  259,  264,  275,  312,  446;  7.  of  H.,  1841,  vol.  I,  82,  100,  101,  £71,  188, 
215,  237,  263,  295,   320,   343,  418,  472;   7.   of  S.,   1841,  vol.   I,    126,   136, 
211,  545;  7.  of  S.,  1842,  vol.  I,  164,  213,  217;  7.  of  S.,  1844,  vol.  I,  92. 

38  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  XI,  251-262,  312;  XII,  43. 


236  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

tution  did  not.89  Such  trial  would  probably  have  been 
granted  had  it  not  been  shown  that  this  would  be  virtual 
nullification,  and  defiance  of  the  United  States  govern 
ment.40  The  proposition  was  finally  voted  down  by  a 
decisive  majority;41  but  the  feeling  behind  the  attempt 
was  shown  by  the  number  of  memorials  and  representa 
tions  which  came  from  every  direction,42  the  majority 
from  Friends,  from  abolitionists,  and  from  women. 

Meanwhile  the  law  of  1826  became  less  and  less  popu 
lar,  and  various  proposals  were  made  to  take  away  such 
effectiveness  as  it  had  in  the  returning  of  runaways.43  It 
is  probable  that  some  change  would  have  been  made 
had  no  new  factor  been  introduced.  A  powerful  factor 
was.  however,  unexpectedly  brought  to  bear. 

The  law  of  1826  had  been  passed  partly  to  satisfy 
Maryland,  but  more  to  put  a  stop  to  kidnapping.44  In 
1837  a  certain  Edward  Prigg  and  associates,  agents  for 
a  Maryland  owner  whose  slave  had  escaped  into  Penn 
sylvania  in  1832,  took  out  of  that  state  a  negress,  the 
alleged  fugitive,  together  with  her  children,  one  of 
whom  had  been  born  in  Pennsylvania.  They  did  this 
although  the  magistrate  before  whom  they  appeared 
had  refused  to  take  cognizance  of  the  case.  Accord 
ingly  they  were  indicted  for  kidnapping  in  the  Court 
of  Oyer  and  Terminer  of  York  County,  and  there  ad- 

39  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  XI,  264,  265,  298-304;  XII,  29. 

*°Ibid.,   XI,   268-279,   282-298. 

"76  to  39.     Ibid.,  XI,  329;  XII,  43. 

42  Pro.  and  Deb.  Conv.,  II,  333;  III,  369,  521,  561,  567,  701,  757,  778; 
V,  49,  98,  270,  414,  443;  VI,  69,  161,  203,  297,  340,  371;  VII,  i,  2,  83; 
VIII,  40,  71,  91,  268;  IX,  225;  X,  29,  274;  XI,  31,  76,  174,  211,  253,  280. 

43  Cf.  J.  of  H.,  1835-1836,  vol.   I,  523,  524;  /.   of  H.,  1836-1837,  vol.  I, 
29,  81,   157,  201,  202;  J.  of  S.,  1836-1837,  vol.  I,  251,  447,  448,  451,  461, 
466,  469,  473,  477;  J.  of  H.,  1837-1838,  vol.  I,  597;  /.  of  S.,   1837-1838,  vol. 
I,  314,  538,  566,  592,  596,  597,  614-616. 

44  See  above,  p.   233. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  237 

judged  guilty.  While  the  case  was  pending  Maryland 
asked  that  it  be  dismissed,  and  at  the  same  time  herself 
expressed  discontent  with  the  act  of  1826,  saying  that 
it  obstructed  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  so  vio 
lated  the  Federal  statute  of  1793.  She  declared  that 
unless  it  were  repealed  she  would  test  it  before  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States.45  Upon  this  the 
Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  took  measures  to  have  the 
point  decided.  Temporary  immunity  was  granted  to 
the  defendants,46  while  the  case  was  taken  to  the  high 
est  court  of  the  state,  where  the  judgment  was 
affirmed.47  Prigg  then  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  his  counsel  pleading  that  the  Penn 
sylvania  act  was  unconstitutional.  In  1842  decision  was 
handed  down  that  this  was  true  in  so  far  as  the  act  ob 
structed  the  return  of  runaways,  while  part  of  the 
Court  held  that  in  the  matter  of  returning  fugitive 
slaves  Pennsylvania  had  no  power  to  make  any  law 
whatsoever.48  Thus  the  Supreme  Court  was  brought 
to  declare  void  a  law  of  Pennsylvania  which  many  of 
Pennsylvania's  people  ardently  desired  to  annul.  In 
the  natural  reaction  which  followed,  the  former  efforts 

45  Communication  from  J.  Meredith,  Commissioner  of  the  State  of 
Maryland.  J.  of  S.,  1838-1839,  vol.  II,  421-425. 

48  "  An  Act  Relating  to  the  Trial  of  Bemis  and  others,  in  York  county." 
Laws  of  Assembly,  1839,  p.  218. 

47  16  Peters  539-541;  Lewis,  Criminal  Law  of  the  United  States,  24-27. 

48  "  Where  Congress  have  exclusive  power  over  a  subject,  it  is  not  com 
petent  for  state  legislation  to  add  to  the  provisions  of  Congress  on  that 
subject."     "  The  power  of  legislation  in  relation  to  fugitives  from  labor 
is  exclusive  in  the  national  legislature."     16  Peters  542^     Cf.  16  Peters 
622.     This  extreme  view  was  restated  in  Kauffman  v.  Oliver  (1849),  10 
Pa.   State  Rep.   (Barr)    514-519.     On  the  contrary   Chief  Justice  Taney 
thought  that  while  a  state  must  not  impede  the  execution  of  the  Federal 
law,  it  could  assist,  and  should  do  so.     16  Peters  626-633.    Cf.  Moore  v. 
The  People  of  the   State  of  Illinois   (1852),    14  Howard   13. 


238  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

were  redoubled.49  In  1847  a  drastic  change  was  made. 
The  act  of  1847  began  by  reaffirming  the  most 
stringent  penalties  against  kidnapping,  in  this  not  dis 
turbing  the  work  of  1826.  It  then  went  the  full  length 
of  refusing  to  allow  any  officer  of  the  state  to  assist  in 
carrying  out  the  Federal  law  of  1793.  Under  heavy 
penalty50  it  forbade  any  judge  or  state  official  to  take 
cognizance  of  any  case  arising  under  that  law,  or  to 
issue  any  warrant  for  removal.  With  delicate  irony  it 
then  imposed  a  penalty  upon  any  jailer  who  should  con 
fine  in  his  jail  a  negro  except  where  the  judges  afore 
said  had  jurisdiction.  Finally  it  declared  that  if  any 
person  claiming  a  negro  attempted  to  take  him  violently, 
even  with  the  intention  of  bringing  him  before  a  district 
or  a  circuit  judge,  he  should  be  adjudged  guilty  of  a 
misdemeanor,  and  be  subject  to  fine  and  to  imprison 
ment  in  the  county  jail.51 

49  J.  of  //.,  1842,  vol.  I,  536,  923;  /.  of  H.,  1843,  PP-  250»  275»  499,  567; 
7.   of  S.,  1842-1843,  pp.  257,   268,  297,   337,   339,   501,   549,   682,  697;  J.   of 
H.,  1844,  vol.  I,  107,  261,  330,  395,  547;  J.  of  S.,  1844,  vol.  I,  93,  277,  506; 
J.  of  H.,  1845,  vol.  I,  105,  132,  179,  181,  242,  290,  649;  7.  of  S.,  1845,  vol. 
I,  94,  97,  no,   140,  151,  159,   174,   187,   188,  201,  209,  256,  263,  277,  660; 
J.  of  H.,  1846,  vol.   I,   25,    139,   164,  481;  J.  of  S.,  1846,  vol.  I,  43,  249; 
7.   of  H.,  1847,  vol.   I,   47,  67,   68,  76,   131,   160,  207,  273,   303,  341,   355, 
460;  7.  of  S.,  1847,  vol.  I,  52,  63,  75,  117,  125,  138,  195,  199,  217,  241,  248, 
261,  280,  291,  299,  312,  397. 

50  $5oo-$i,ooo,  half  to  go  to  the  prosecutor. 

61  $ioo-$i,ooo,  and  costs;  imprisonment  for  three  months.  "  An  Act 
to  prevent  kidnapping,  preserve  the  public  peace,  prohibit  the  exercise  of 
certain  powers  heretofore  exercised  by  certain  judges,  justices  of  the  peace, 
aldermen  and  jailors  in  this  commonwealth,  and  to  repeal  certain  slave 
laws."  Laws  of  Assembly,  1847,  pp.  206-208.  The  temper  that  was  now 
coming  to  be  predominant  in  Pennsylvania  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  a 
section  of  this  act  annulled  the  old  provision  which  allowed  an  owner  to 
bring  his  slave  into  the  state  and  keep  him  there  for  six  months.  Cf. 
above,  p.  86.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  framers  of  the 
act  intended  the  formal  abolition  of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania.  Cf.  state 
ment  of  the  Hon.  T.  J.  Bingham,  chairman  of  the  committee  which  drew 
up  the  law:  "  Our  simple  design  was  to  dissolve  all  connection  with 
slavery  in  our  State  legislation."  Pittsburg  Journal  quoted  in  Harrisburg 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  239 

It  now  became  almost  impossible  for  an  owner  to 
recover  his  slave.  Not  only  was  he  liable  to  be  arrested 
on  the  charge  of  kidnapping,  but  even  if  clearly  within 
his  rights  he  could  get  no  help  from  the  state,52  but  was 
on  the  contrary  threatened  with  punishment  if  he  used 
any  violence.  The  fact  that  there  was  now  a  strong 
feeling  against  him,  no  matter  what  might  be  the  merits 
of  his  case,  and  this  too  on  the  part  of  an  exceedingly 
militant  and  aggressive  body  of  abolitionist  and  anti- 
slavery  workers,  rendered  an  attempt  without  some  sort 
of  violence  impossible.53  Effective  and  widespread 
activity  was  displayed  in  deliberate  obstruction  of  re 
capture  and  in  abetting  escape.54  When  recourse  was 
had  to  the  courts  of  Pennsylvania  the  decisions  handed 
down  were  such  as  to  give  scant  comfort.65  From  the 
Southern  point  of  view  the  conditions  in  the  state  after 
1847  were  such  as  to  make  imperative  the  passing  of  a 
new  fugitive  slave  law  to  be  vigorously  enforced  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States. 

Furthermore  since  1800  there  had  been  in  operation  a 
mysterious  organization,  which  had  continually  aggra- 

Tele graph,  Mar.  21,  1856.  He  said  that  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.  and  the 
Quakers  had  proposed  the  law,  and  had  been  consulted  at  every  stage  of 
its  formation.  Ibid. 

52  CY.  Kauffman  v.  Oliver  (1849),  10  Pa.  State  Rep.  (Barr)  514;  Com 
monwealth  v.  John  Clellans  et  al.  (1847),  4  Pa.  Law  Journal,  (g2)-(ioo). 

58  Cf.  Commonwealth  v.  Taylor  (1850),  4  Pa.  Law  Journal  Rep.  (492); 
(speaking  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850)  "  Before  the  passage  of  that 
act,  every  city,  town  and  village  of  our  Commonwealth  was  subject  to 
riots  and  brawls  by  the  efforts  of  citizens  from  the  southern  states  to  ex 
ercise  their  undoubted  rights  under  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States." 

64  Cf.  Clellans  et  al.  v.  the  Commonwealth  (1848),  8  Pa.  State  Rep. 
(Barr),  223-229;  Kauffman  v.  Oliver  (1849),  10  Pa.  State  Rep.  (Barr), 
514-519;  Commonwealth  v.  Taylor  (1850),  4  Pa.  Lava  Journal  (480)- 
(492). 

55  See  cases  cited  in  note  preceding;  also  Commonwealth  v.  Auld 
(1850),  4  Pa.  Law  Journal  (43i)-(436). 


24o  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

vated  the  feeling  in  the  South,  and  which  had  to  a  great 
extent  made  it  possible  for  such  a  steady  stream  of  fugi 
tives  to  find  permanent  freedom.  In  Pennsylvania  the 
Underground  Railroad  had  its  origin. 

Almost  immediately  after  its  foundation  in  1787 
Columbia  in  Lancaster  County  became  a  settling  place 
for  emancipated  negroes  from  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
and  soon  also  a  hiding  place  for  runaway  slaves.89  It 
was  here  that  the  shadowy  railroad  received  its  name." 
Soon  it  had  become  desirable  to  assist  the  runaways 
farther  into  the  interior  of  the  state;  and  such  work 
was  being  regularly  done  as  early  as  iSo/j..58  In  the 
course  of  time  branches  of  the  road  came  to  extend 
over  many  portions  of  the  state.  There  were  numerous 
routes  in  the  western  part,  but  the  work  throve  particu 
larly  in  the  southeastern  counties,  where  it  had  first 
been  developed.59  In  York,  Lancaster,  Chester,  and 
Delaware  counties,  where  great  numbers  of  people  were 
willing  to  assist,  it  is  said  that  there  were  more  routes 
in  proportion  to  the  area  than  anywhere  else  in  the 
Northern  states.60  In  the  earlier  days  strange  negroes 
had  not  always  been  helped  to  escape,  even  by  those 
who  disbelieved  in  slavery,  when  the  negroes  were  sus 
pected  of  having  run  away  ;81  but  now  devoted  men  and 

56  Life  of  John  Thompson,  Written  by  Himself,  100;  McKnight,  Pioneer 
Outline  History  of  Northwestern  Pennsylvania,  etc.,  317. 

67  Smedley,  History  of  the  Underground  Railroad  in  Chester  and  the 
Neighboring  Counties  of  Pennsylvania,  35;  Siebert,  The  Underground 
Railroad  from  Slavery  to  Freedom,  45. 

58  Sutcliff,  Travels,  58,  257. 

59  See  the  excellent  map  in  Siebert,   Underground  Railroad,  facing  p. 
113.     Ibid.,   115,   117,   up,   120.     Prowell,  History  of  York  Co.,   592-598. 

80  Siebert,  Underground  Railroad,  120,  121;  E.  H.  Magill,  When  Men 
Were  Sold,  5. 

61  Cf.  advt.  in  Pa.  Gazette,  Feb.  20,  1795,  which  after  saying  "We  the 
subscribers  became  bound,  by  an  obligation,  about  the  latter  end  of  the 
year  1791,  in  a  certain  penalty,  to  deliver  up  a  certain  Mulatto,  .  .  .  named 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  241 

women  went  to  any  length  of  risk  and  hardship  to  get 
fugitive  slaves  to  a  place  of  safety.62  The  Friends  of 
Pennsylvania  continued  and  renewed  that  struggle 
against  slavery  which  their  Society  had  carried  on  for 
five  generations.  In  defiance  of  the  law,  and  some 
times  at  great  personal  sacrifice,  negroes  were  hidden 
and  fed  and  clothed  until  they  could  be  sent  beyond  the 
risk  of  recapture.63  In  this  work  the  Friends  were  ably 
seconded  by  the  efforts  of  negroes,  some  of  whom  had 
previously  been  fugitives  themselves.84  So  what  with 
the  powerful  public  feeling  and  the  workings  of  the 
Underground  Railroad,  what  with  the  favorable  legis 
lation  of  1847,  there  had  come  to  be  a  large  number  of 
runaway  negroes  in  Pennsylvania,  some  of  them  living 
in  the  most  careless  defiance  of  the  Federal  law  itself. 
The  last  period  in  the  history  of  the  relations  of  Penn 
sylvania  with  the  runaway  negroes  of  other  states  be 
gan  with  the  passing  of  the  United  States  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  of  1850.  The  unpopularity  of  this  law  was 
revealed  in  the  newspaper  discussion  which  followed  its 
enactment.  It  was  believed  in  the  South  that  only  one 
newspaper  in  the  state  supported  it,  and  such  was  prob 
ably  the  case  so  far  as  Philadelphia  was  concerned.85 

William  Lewis,  if  he  should  be  proved  a  slave  "...  announces  that  if  no 
master  appears  within  thirty  days  the  subscribers  are  free  from  the  obli 
gation. 

62  From  a  personal  conversation  with  Miss  Grace  Anna  Lewis,  of 
Media,  Pa.  Cf.  Smedley,  Underground  Railroad,  168-190. 

08  Amanda  G.  Fogg,  "  Incidents  of  Slavery  Times,"  etc.,  in  Kennett 
News  and  Advertiser,  Dec.  i,  1897;  Siebert,  passim;  The  Friend,  LXIX, 
314,  315.  For  heavy  damages  recovered  by  slave  owners  from  those  who 
had  assisted  fugitives,  cf.  Oliver  v.  Weakley  et  al.  (1853),  2  Wallace  Jr. 
324-326;  Van  Metre  v.  Mitchell  (1853),  ibid.,  311-323. 

64  Siebert,  Underground  Railroad,  appendix  E,  431-434;  Still  (a  negro), 
The  Underground  Railroad,  etc.;  4  Pa.  Arch.,  VII,  610-614. 

85  The  Pennsylvanian.  Cf.  Pennsylvanian,  Nov.  16,  1850,  where  it  was 
said,  however,  that  scores  of  papers  supporting  the  law  could  be  found 
in  the  state. 


242  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

Dislike  of  the  law  soon  became  intense  hatred,  for  its 
effectiveness  was  almost  instantly  manifest.  In  all 
parts  of  Pennsylvania  negroes  were  seized,  and  in  many 
cases  hurried  back  into  slavery.  During  1850,  1851, 
and  1852  it  was  enforced  with  vigor  and  success,  and 
at  Harrisburg,  Pittsburg,  and  Philadelphia  transpired 
such  scenes  as  had  not  been  witnessed  for  many  years.66 
The  fact  that  some  of  the  negroes  taken  back  to  bondage 
had  been  living  in  Pennsylvania  so  long,  that  having 
married,  raised  children,  and  acquired  property,  they 
had  come  to  regard  themselves  as  free  citizens  of  the 
state,  and  were  so  regarded  by  many  of  the  white 
people,  and  also  that  there  arose  very  strong  suspicion 
that  negroes  undoubtedly  free  were  being  kidnapped, 
intensified  the  opposition,  which  at  times  became 
tremendous.67  In  1853  more  than  sixty  people  from 
Pennsylvania  went  to  Baltimore  to  give  testimony  for 
a  negress  who  had  been  kidnapped  from  their  neighbor 
hood.68 

But  that  even  the  strong  protection  of  a  Federal  law 
could  not  make  it  safe  to  hunt  for  slaves  in  Pennsylva 
nia  was  amply  shown  by  the  famous  Christiana  Riot  in 
September,  1851.  In  that  year  Edward  Gorsuch  of 
Maryland,  having  procured  the  proper  warrants,  went 
to  capture  some  of  his  slaves,  who  were  known  to  be 
lurking  near  Christiana  in  Lancaster  County.  Accom 
panied  by  an  officer  and  several  friends  he  proceeded 

06  Cf.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  Its  Victims,  u,  12,  14,  15,  16,  18, 
20,  21,  22;  for  the  years  following,  ibid.,  25,  42,  44,  45,  65,  66,  91,  96, 
109,  116-118,  131-133;  Pennsylvania*,,  Oct.  2,  1850;  (Harrisburg)  Daily 
American,  Jan.  25,  1851;  (Harrisburg)  Key  Stone,  Nov.  4,  1851. 

67  Cf.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  Its  Victims,  14  (this  case  was  dis 
missed),   95,    96.     Also   ibid.,    15,    18,    21,    42,   44,    109,    131-133;    Public 
Ledger,  Feb.   7,   1851. 

68  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  Its  Victims,  21. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  243 

to  the  house  suspected  ;  but  finding  it  defended  by  armed 
negroes,  and  being  fired  upon,  he  came  to  a  halt.  Soon 
he  was  surrounded  by  a  mob  of  nearly  a  hundred  ne 
groes  armed  with  scythes,  clubs,  and  corn-cutters.  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  officer  showed  the  writs,  and  even 
that  the  attempt  at  capture  was  given  over.  An  attack 
was  made  by  the  negroes,  in  which  Gorsuch  was  shot 
down  and  beaten  to  death  with  clubs,  while  his  son  and 
his  nephew  escaped  with  the  utmost  difficulty.69  A  cer 
tain  Castner  Hanway  was  suspected  of  having  incited 
the  mob,  and  was  indicted  for  treason  against  the  United 
States.  Great  efforts  were  made  to  secure  a  conviction, 
but  Hanway  was  acquitted  after  the  jury  had  been  out 
for  twenty  minutes.70  Not  a  single  person  was  pun 
ished.71 

In  the  smaller  towns  and  in  the  country  the  capture 
of  a  fugitive  now  became  an  extremely  perilous  under 
taking.  In  some  parts  of  the  state  bands  of  armed 
negroes  prowled  around  in  search  of  slave-hunters,73 
while  elsewhere  negroes  could  generally  be  found  ready 
to  rally  in  mobs  and  rescue  runaways  at  the  cost  of  any 
violence.  In  1852  a  policeman  from  Baltimore  arrested 
an  alleged  fugitive  at  Columbia,  whereupon  he  was  im 
mediately  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  negroes.  In  the 

68  These  facts  were  all  proved.  See  charge  of  Judge  Grier  to  the  jury, 
9  Legal  Intelligencer  23;  2  Wallace  Jr.  192-208. 

T0  United  States  v.  Hanway  (1851,  Third  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States),  2  Wallace  Jr.  139-208.  For  the  Christiana  Riot,  cf.  Evening 
Bulletin,  Sept.  12,  13,  15,  Nov.  24  (where  it  is  called  treason),  1851; 
(York)  People's  Advocate,  Sept.  16,  1851;  (Harrisburg)  Key  Stone, 
Sept.  16,  1851;  Pennsylvanian,  Feb.  29,  1852;  Ampere,  Promenade  en 
Amerique,  I,  408-410;  Still,  Underground  Railroad,  348-368. 

71  Jenkins,  Pennsylvania  Colonial  and  Federal,  II,  342,  343. 

73  Cf.  2  Wallace  Jr.  165.  For  associations  of  men  in  Indiana  County, 
and  also  in  other  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  banded  together  to  prevent  re 
capture  and  to  assist  negroes,  see  ibid.,  213;  Pittsburg  Journal,  July  17, 
1855;  J-  H.  W.  Howard,  Bond  and  Free,  ch.  XIX. 


244  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

confusion  he  was  bitten  by  the  captive,  whom  he  shot 
dead.  It  was  only  by  travelling  all  night  that  he  at  last 
reached  safety  across  the  Maryland  line.73 

Meanwhile  the  legislative  action  of  the  state  kept 
pace  with  the  development  of  popular  feeling.  The  con 
servative  elements  made  a  vain  effort  to  stem  the  tide. 
At  first  they  accomplished  a  little.  In  1850  a  bill  to  aid 
masters  passed  the  House,  but  was  overwhelmed  by  an 
avalanche  of  petitions  in  the  Senate.74  Two  years  later 
that  part  of  the  act  of  1847  which  forbade  the  lodging 
of  fugitives  in  county  jails  was  repealed  in  spite  of  an 
immense  number  of  remonstrances.75  After  this  it  was 
not  possible  to  get  any  further  concessions  made.  In 
1856  a  petition  came  to  the  House  asking  that  masters 
from  other  states  be  given  the  right  to  take  their  slaves 
through  Pennsylvania  as  before  the  law  of  1847,  but  the 
request  was  voted  down  by  a  decisive  majority.79  On 
the  other  hand  the  Legislature  now  began  to  receive 
petitions  the  fulfilment  of  which  would  have  entailed 
direct  defiance  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 

73  (Harrisburg)  Whig  State  Journal,  May  6,  1852.    As  far  back  as  1834 
several  negroes  of  Philadelphia  were  sent  to  the  penitentiary  for  trying 
to  take  a  slave  from  the  officers  who  had  him  in  charge.    Niles's  Register, 
XLVI,    118,    174.      Cf.    also    Lewistown   Republican,    June    15,    1842;    i 
American   Law  Journal   (new   ser.),    10-14,    97-107    (1848);    (Lancaster) 
Daily  Express,  Mar.  29,  1860. 

74  7.  of  H.,  1850,  vol.  I,  495-502,  709,  732,  844,  845;  7.  of  S.,  1850,  vol. 
I»  585,   608,  616,   636,   646,  657,   672,  679,  691,   707,  710,  720,   724,   768, 
781,   794,  806,  816,  817,  833,  855,  858,  872,  909,   1081. 

75  Laws  of  Assembly,  1852,  p.  295;  J.  of  H.,  1851,  vol.  I,  25,  28,  34,  47, 
64,  66,  114,  142,  169,  209,  240,  272,  305,  319,  349,  374,  381,  4*5,  4*3,  44L 
SGI,   573,  634;   7.   of  S.,   1851,  vol.   I,    14,   26,   59,   89,   98,    132,    141,   149, 
156,   163,  172,   181,  191,  206,  211,  221,  252,  261,  268,  276,  288,  300,  314, 
315,  324,  365,  372,  384,  396,  421,  430,  498,  574,  834;  7.  of  H.,  1851,  vol. 
I,  661,  901;  7.  of  S,,  1851,  vol.  I,  15,  90,  283,  529,  588,  589,  601,  603,  928; 
J.  of  H.,  1852,  vol.  I,  702,  721;  7.  of  S.,  1852,  vol.  I,  484,  719;  4  Pa.  Arch., 
VII,  491-496. 

76  7.  of  H.,  1856,  pp.  67,  68. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  245 

In  1859  a  personal  liberty  bill  was  introduced  into  the 
House,77  and  though  this  bill  failed  great  pressure  was 
brought  to  have  the  state  prevent  the  rendition  of  fugi 
tives  and  even  prohibit  their  return.78  Finally  in  1860 
the  provisions  of  the  act  of  1847  were  incorporated  into 
the  revised  penal  code  in  their  most  uncompromising 
form.79 

Thus  during  the  fourteen  years  from  1847  to  1861 
Pennsylvania  was  brought  close  to  nullification  of  the 
Federal  laws.  During  those  years  no  slave-holder  had 
the  right  of  transit  through  the  state  with  his  slave 
property.  During  five  of  those  years  the  Federal  au 
thorities  were  forbidden  to  use  the  state  jails.  During 
most  of  the  time  active  and  substantial  encouragement 
was  given  to  runaway  slaves ;  and  such  slaves  came  to 
Pennsylvania  in  large  numbers.  For  a  few  years  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850  gave  some  relief  to  the 

77  7.  of  H.,  1859,  pp.  311,  398,  629,  940,  941.     The  details  were  not  fully 
worked  out.     It  provided,  however,  that  no  state  officer  should  assist  in 
recapturing  a  fugitive.     What  was  desired  may  be  learned  from  a  petition 
circulated  by  the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery   Society.     "  We  the  under 
signed,   inhabitants  of  the   State   of   Pennsylvania,   respectfully  ask  that 
you  will  pass  a  Law  prohibiting  the  surrender  of  any  human  being  claimed 
as  a  Slave  upon  the  soil  of  Pennsylvania."    MS.  Min.  Exec.  Com.  Pa. 
A-S.  Soc.,  Nov.  3,  1858. 

78  7.  of  H.,  1859,  pp.  157,  386,  417,  468,  527,  642,  664;  /.  of  S.,  1859,  pp. 
106,    317,    432,    689;   /.    of  H.,   1860,   pp.    123,    169,    179,   237,   280,    325, 
338,  374,  375,  437,  438;  7.   of  S.,  1860,  pp.  96,   121,   132,    157,    199,  222, 
259,  260,  306,  627;  7.  of  H.,  1861,  pp.  150,  246,  311;  7.  of  S.,  1861,  pp.  113, 
144,  224,  271.     For  the  vigorous  efforts  made  to  obtain  such  a  law,  cf. 
MS.  Min.  Exec.  Com.  Pa.  A-S,  Soc.,  Oct.  3,   1859;  Proceedings  Pa.   Yr. 
M.  Progressive  Friends,  1859,  p.  29. 

79  "  An  Act  To  Consolidate,  Revise,  and  Amend  the  Penal  Laws  of  this 
Commonwealth."     Laws  of  Assembly,  1860,  pp.  406,  407.     "  No  judge  .  .  . 
nor  any  alderman  or  justice  of  the  peace  .  .  .  shall  have  jurisdiction  or 
take  cognizance  of  the  case  of  any  fugitive  from  labor,  from  any  of  the 
United  States  or  territories,  under  any  act  of  Congress;  nor  .  .  .  issue  or 
grant  any  certificate  or  warrant  of  removal  of  any  such  fugitive  from  labor 
under  any  act  of  Congress;  "... 


246  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

South ;  but  in  Pennsylvania  this  law  was  obnoxious 
from  the  first,  its  enforcement  was  attended  with  diffi 
culty,  and  the  net  result  was  only  to  bring  a  greater 
number  of  people  into  such  violent  hostility  to  it,  that 
they  demanded  that  their  officials  refuse  to  obey  it.  It 
can  hardly  be  doubted  that  because  of  her  proximity  to 
the  South,  because  of  the  long,  continuous,  and  power 
ful  assistance  which  her  people  gave  to  fugitives,  and 
because  of  the  decided  stand  taken  by  her  Legislature, 
Pennsylvania  had  much  to  do  with  bringing  on  the 
crisis  that  was  impending. 

The  truth  of  this  appeared  in  1860.  When  the  great 
conflict  was  looming  up,  there  seems  to  have  been  an 
uneasy  feeling  in  the  state.  Many  local  newspapers 
commented  on  the  law  of  1847  as  one  which  had  been 
especially  designed  to  defeat  the  laws  of  the  United 
States ;  and  although  particular  efforts  were  made  to 
show  that  such  was  not  the  case,  some  admitted  that 
the  charge  was  true.80  On  January  2,  1861,  Governor 
Packer  urged  the  repeal  of  parts  of  the  obnoxious 
law.81  He  recommended  that  Pennsylvania  assist  in  the 
execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  that  the  act  of 
1826  be  revived,  and  that  masters  from  other  states  be 
allowed  to  take  their  slaves  through  the  state,  and  even 

80  Inquirer,  Nov.  21,   1860;  Public  Ledger,  Nov.  23,  1860;   (Lancaster) 
Daily  Express,  Nov.  26,  1860.     "  Virginia  and  the  other  Southern  States 
have  made  specific  charges  against  the  legislation  of  Pennsylvania  upon 
this   subject,   and   some   of  their   allegations  are  well   founded."      R.    E. 
Randall  of  Pennsylvania,   Speech  on  the  Laws  of  the  State  relative  to 
Fugitive  Slaves,  4.     Also  speaking  of  sections  95  and  96  of  the  Revised 
Penal  Code  (1860),  he  said  they  "  are,  in  my  judgment,  a  plain  violation 
of  the  Federal  Constitution."    Ibid.,  14,     This  whole  speech  is  a  very  able 
review  of  Pennsylvania's  legislation  on  the  fugitive  slave  question. 

81  "  I   earnestly  recommend  their  unconditional  repeal."     4  Pa.   Arch., 
VIII,  295. 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  247 

be  permitted  to  reside  therein  for  a  limited  period.82  The 
powerful  conservative  influences  in  the  state,  which  had 
hitherto  been  quiet,  were  now  aroused.  Meetings  were 
held,83  threats  were  made  against  anti-slavery  workers,8* 
and  immense  pro-Southern  petitions  were  prepared.81 
Memorials  poured  into  both  houses  of  the  Legislature 
asking  that  the  unfriendly  legislation  be  repealed,  that 
Pennsylvania  assist  in  carrying  out  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  that  owners  be  allowed  to  take  their  slaves  through 
the  state,  and  that  owners  be  paid  by  the  state  for 
slaves  rescued  from  them.86  Something  was,  indeed, 
attempted  by  the  Legislature,  but  came  to  nothing.87 
Such  efforts  were  now  too  late.  The  question  was 
about  to  be  settled  by  the  Civil  War. 

The  relations,  then,  between  the  white  man  and  the 
negro  in  Pennsylvania  affort  a  problem  apparently  com 
plex.  The  majority  of  the  white  people  of  the  state  evi 
dently  disliked  his  presence  there ;  they  had  little 
sympathy  for  him,  they  persecuted  him,  they  did  their 
best  to  relegate  him  to  an  inferior  status,  they  seemed 
to  wish  most  earnestly  to  have  him  stay  out  of  the 
state ;  and  yet  during  the  whole  time  a  majority  of  the 
white  people  refused  to  pass  a  law  to  keep  him  out, 
while  on  the  contrary  they  helped  him  to  come  in,  they 

82  Ibid.,  VIII,  296. 

M  At  a  Union  meeting  which  was  held  it  was  resolved  "  That  every 
State  is  bound  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  aid  in  delivering 
up  fugitive  slaves  to  their  owners,  and  all  legislation  which  refuses  such 
and  throws  obstacles  in  the  way  is  unconstitutional,  and  should  be  re 
pealed  "...  Public  Ledger,  Jan.  4,  1861. 

MCY.   MS.  Min.  Exec.  Com.  Pa.  A-S.   Soc.,  June  14,   1860. 

83  One  of  them  had  11,000  signatures,  and  had  a  total  length  of  nearly 
five  hundred  feet.     Public  Ledger,  Jan.  3,   1861. 

86 /.  of  H.,  1861,  pp.  46,  49,  69,  120,  121,  150,  165,  201,  364,  401,  467, 
570;  /.  of  S.,  1861,  pp.  53,  144,  270,  311,  312,  313.  For  counter-petitions, 
see  above,  p.  245,  note  78. 

87 /.  of  H.,  1861,  pp.  73,  74;  J.  of  S.,  1861,  pp.  134,  146. 


248  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

hid  him  from  his  pursuers,  they  forfeited  the  good  will 
of  Maryland  and  the  states  to  the  south,  and  at  last 
many  of  them  practically  nullified  the  law  of  the  United 
States,  and  others  desired  their  state  specifically  to  do 
so.  In  all  this,  however,  there  was  no  real  inconsistency. 
In  the  first  place  the  two  courses  of  action  were  followed 
by  majorities  not  composed  of  the  same  people,  but  in 
part  of  people  violently  antagonistic;  in  the  second 
place  the  two  courses  were  in  themselves  not  alto 
gether  contradictory.  Pennsylvania  was  following  two 
courses  not  mutually  irreconcilable.  Far  back  in  the 
colony  days  she  had  lifted  up  her  voice  against  slavery ; 
part  of  her  people  had  voluntarily  set  free  their  slaves ; 
and  the  Assembly  had  followed  with  the  first  act  of  gen 
eral  abolition.  Then  her  most  ardent  men  and  women 
had  set  themselves  to  eradicate  the  last  vestiges  of  the 
evil  in  their  own  state,  and  to  war  against  it  in  all  states 
where  it  still  existed.  As  the  years  went  on  and  slavery 
in  the  Southern  states  grew  in  magnitude  and  became 
a  national  problem,  and  as  they  saw  it  almost  daily 
bursting  over  their  borders,  their  detestation  of  it  be 
came  unquenchable.  It  mattered  not  that  along  with 
this,  but  coming  later  in  time,  there  had  developed  an 
other  feeling ;  that  enthusiastic  ideals  in  regard  to  negro 
equality  had  been  shattered ;  that  such  ideals  had  now 
come  to  be  unthinkable ;  that  the  negroes  among  them, 
and  the  negroes  who  fled  to  them,  were  for  the  most 
part  persecuted,  unassimilated,  and  undesired.  They 
had  no  love  for  the  black  man  free,  but  they  pitied  him 
as  a  slave.  They  came  to  detest  the  negro,  but  they 
hated  slavery  more.88 

88  "  Talk  as  we  may  in  condemnation  of  the  pride  of  race,  we  must  still 
admit  that  there   are   inherent   differences  in   races  that  determine   their 


FUGITIVE  SLAVES  249 

Nor  must  it  be  supposed  that  the  most  willing 
philanthropy  toward  fugitives,  or  the  most  lively  hatred 
of  slavery,  brought  much  amelioration  to  the  lot  of  the 
colored  man  in  Pennsylvania.  The  runaway  who  was 
helped  by  some,  was  speedily  forgotten  by  most,  and 
soon  regarded  with  the  same  aversion  as  others  of  his 
class.  Therefore  what  was  said  above  in  regard  to 
prejudice  must  be  qualified  only  so  far  as  the  Friends 
and  the  anti-slavery  workers  are  concerned.  That  the 
lot  of  the  free  negro  in  Pennsylvania  was  better  than 
his  lot  would  have  been  in  most  other  states  is  doubt 
less  true.  That  his  condition  in  Pennsylvania  had  im 
proved  absolutely  as  time  went  by,  and  as  he  strove  to 
improve  himself,  is  also  true.  But  that  his  condition 
had  improved  relatively,  or  as  much  as  might  have  been 
expected,  is  emphatically  not  so.  In  1861  it  was  true 
in  Pennsylvania  as  elsewhere  that  for  no  one  did  a 
darker  future  seem  in  store,  for  no  one  did  there  seem 
less  hope,  than  for  the  negro.89 

condition  much  more  than  does  the  force  of  mere  outward  circumstances; 
nor  can  this  difference  be  disregarded  in  practically  dealing  with  men. 
True  the  inferiority  of  their  race  will  not  justify  us  in  enslaving  men  .  .  . 
The  views  that  we  have  thus  expressed  are  not  at  all  incompatible  with  the 
belief  that  slavery  is  a  great  ill  ...  Nor  are  they  inconsistent  with  a  steady 
opposition  to  the  slave  power  "...  North  American,  Mar.  24,  1857. 

89  Cf.  the  words  of  Lincoln:  "  The  Chief-Justice  does  not  directly  assert, 
but  plainly  assumes  as  a  fact,  that  the  public  estimate  of  the  black  man 
is  more  favorable  now  than  it  was  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution.  This 
assumption  is  a  mistake.  In  some  trifling  particulars  the  condition  of 
that  race  has  been  ameliorated;  but  as  a  whole,  in  this  country,  the 
change  between  then  and  now  is  decidedly  the  other  way;  and  their  ulti 
mate  destiny  has  never  appeared  so  hopeless  as  in  the  last  three  or  four 
years."  Speech  of  June  26,  1857,  quoted  by  Thorpe,  Constitutional 
History  of  the  United  States,  II,  548,  549. 


CONCLUSIONS. 

NEGROES  began  to  be  brought  into  Pennsylvania  be 
fore  the  organization  of  the  colony,  but  owing  to  eco 
nomic  and  industrial  causes,  and  also  to  the  effective 
opposition  of  many  of  the  white  people,  the  number 
imported  was  never  large.  Most  of  the  first  negroes 
seem  to  have  been  held  for  life,  but  otherwise  their 
status  in  the  beginning  differed  little  from  that  of  white 
servants.  As  time  went  on  there  arose  differences  and 
discriminations,  the  inevitable  incidents  of  life  service, 
which  tended  to  make  the  status  decidedly  inferior.  The 
process  of  differentiation  between  slavery  and  servitude 
was  checked,  however,  in  1780  by  the  act  for  the  gradual 
abolition  of  slavery.  This  act,  which  was  the  first  of 
its  kind  passed  anywhere  in  America,  was  the  result 
primarily  of  economic  causes,  but  directly  of  the  splen 
did  efforts  of  the  Friends,  and  of  the  enthusiasm  attend 
ing  upon  the  Revolutionary  War. 

As  the  gap  between  freedom  and  slavery  was  broad 
the  upward  progress  of  the  negro  was  gradual.  As  a 
rule  he  occupied  some  intermediate  status  of  servitude 
before  becoming  free.  Moreover  even  after  freedom 
had  been  attained  he  was  not  generally  upon  a  plane  of 
equality  with  the  white  man.  There  was  civil  inequality 
until  1780,  while  politically  the  negro  was  inferior  until 
1870.  Social  equality  was  never  claimed  in  colonial 

250 


CONCLUSIONS  251 

days,  but  thereafter  when  the  question  arose  it  was 
denied.  Economic  progress  was  slow  and  painful,  al 
though  at  first  much  assistance  was  given  by  white 
people. 

That  progress  was  not  more  rapid  was  owing  to  the 
growth  of  race  prejudice.  In  colonial  times  slavery  was 
exceedingly  mild,  and  many  white  people  took  a  kindly 
interest  in  their  negroes.  After  1800  there  was  a  grad 
ual  but  complete  change.  The  influx  of  negroes  from 
the  South,  the  apparent  deterioration  in  character,  the 
immense  increase  in  crime,  and  the  rising  pretensions  of 
the  negroes  themselves,  all  caused  a  dislike  which  deep 
ened  into  strong  prejudice,  and  was  manifested  in  at 
tempts  to  exclude  negroes  from  the  state,  in  efforts  to 
colonize  them,  in  the  desire  to  abridge  their  rights,  in 
political  and  social  discrimination,  in  petty  persecution, 
and  in  fierce  riots.  This  prejudice  lasted  throughout 
the  period  before  1861,  so  that  in  Pennsylvania  there 
was  none  of  the  race  equality  which  was  assumed  by 
Reconstruction  statesmen  in  the  solution  of  Southern 
problems  after  the  Civil  War. 

Such  progress  as  the  negro  made  was  due  partly  to 
his  own  efforts  and  partly  to  the  continuous  and  power 
ful  assistance  of  the  Friends,  the  abolitionists,  and  the 
anti-slavery  advocates.  They  helped  and  encouraged 
the  negro,  they  protected  him,  and  upheld  his  rights. 
To  them  largely  was  due  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the 
suppression  of  the  local  slave-trade,  and  the  manage 
ment  of  the  Underground  Railroad.  The  methods  of 
the  abolitionists  were  earnest  and  quiet,  but  after  1830 
their  work  was  overshadowed  by  that  of  the  more  radi 
cal  and  violent  anti-slavery  agitators.  The  influence  of 


252  THE  NEGRO  IN  PENNSYLVANIA 

all  these  men  did  much  to  arouse  a  general  hatred  of 
slavery,  and  to  neutralize  prejudice  against  the  negro, 
so  that  after  1847  Pennsylvania  entered  upon  a  course 
which  deeply  offended  the  South,  and  endangered  the 
continuance  of  the  Union. 


APPENDIX. 
POPULATION    OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


Census. 

Whites. 

Free 
negroes. 

Slaves. 

Aggregate 
negroes. 

Aggregate 
population. 

1790 

424,099 

6,537 

3,737 

10,274 

434,073 

I800 

586,095 

14,564 

1,706 

l6,27O 

602,365 

1810 

786,804 

22,492 

795 

23,287 

8lO,09I 

1820 

1,017,094 

32,153 

211 

32,364 

1,047,507 

1830 

1,309,900 

37,930 

*403 

38,333 

1,348,233 

1840 

1,676,115 

47,854 

64 

47,918 

1,724,033 

1850 

2,258,160 

53,626 

53,626 

2,311,786 

1860 

2,849,259 

56,949 

.... 

56,949 

2,906,215 

386  according  to  another  estimate.     See  above,  p.  85,  note  62. 


POPULATION    OF    PHILADELPHIA. 


1790 

51,902 

2,102 

387 

2,489 

54,391 

1800 

74,129 

6,795 

85 

6,880 

8l,009 

1810 

100,688 

10,514 

8 

10,522 

III,2IO 

1820 

123,746 

11,884 

7 

11,891 

135,637 

1830 

173,173 

15,604 

20 

15,624 

188,797 

1840 
1850 

238,204 
389,001 

19,831 
19,761 

2 

19,833 
I9,76l 

258,037 
408,762 

1860 

543,344 

22,185 

.... 

22,185 

565,529 

253 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

ABBREVIATIONS. 

A.  P.  S American  Philosophical  Society,  Phila. 

Ct.   H Court  House. 

Fr.  Lib Friends'  Library. 

Fr.  M.  H Friends'  Meeting  House. 

H.  S.  P Historical    Society    of    Pennsylvania,    Phila 
delphia. 

Hist.  Soc Historical  Society. 

L.  C Library  of  Congress,  Washington. 

L.   C.    P Library   Company   of    Philadelphia. 

Pea Peabody  Library,  Baltimore. 

P.  L Pratt  Library,  Baltimore. 

P.  L.  L Philadelphia  Law  Library. 

P.  S.  L Pennsylvania  State  Library,  Harrisburg. 

P.S.L,Div.Pub. 

Rec Pennsylvania  State  Library,  Division  of  Pub 
lic  Records. 

R.    B Ridgway  Branch,  Library  Company  of  Phila 
delphia. 


254 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
L 

MANUSCRIPTS. 

Court  Records. 
Minutes,  Dockets,  Papers. 

The  court  records  are  of  primary  importance,  since  in  Penn 
sylvania  the  development  of  slavery  and  servitude  depended 
less  on  statutory  enactment  than  on  usage  as  interpreted  by 
the  courts.  This  was  preeminently  so  in  the  period  prior  to 
1700.  After  that  time  the  records  are  of  less  value,  since  ne 
groes  were  then  tried  in  special  courts,  of  which  only  one 
docket  remains.  In  many  instances  the  volumes  have  been 
carelessly  kept,  and  are  now  incomplete.  A  few  have  been 
copied. 

County  Courts. 

Bucks  County. 

Minute  Book,  Common  Pleas  and  Quarter  Sessions,  Bucks 
County.  1684-1730. — Ct.  H.,  Doylestown,  Pa.  (Very  important 
material  for  the  history  of  servitude  and  slavery  in  Pennsyl 
vania.) 

Quarter  Sessions  Docket.     1715-1753. 

Criminal  Docket,  Ct.  Quarter  Sessions.  1742-1810. 

Chester  County. 

Minutes  of  the  Chester  County  Courts.  1681-1697,  1697-1710. 
— Ct.  H.,  West  Chester,  Pa.  (Many  references  to  negroes. 
Early  prejudice  against  miscegenation.) 

Quarter  Sessions  Dockets.  1723-1769. 

Court  Records  of  Penna.  and  Chester  Co.  1681-1688. 
(Transcript.)— H.  S.  P. 

Philadelphia  County. 

Philadelphia  Court  Records.  1685-1688.  (Minutes  of  the 
Phila.  Co.  Ct.)— H.  S.  P. 

255 


256  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Germantown  Records  of  the  Courts.     1691-1707 H.  S.  P. 

Dockets  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  Phila.  Co.  1706- 
1766.  (Two  actions  against  importers  of  Indian  slaves.) — H. 
S.  P. 

Docket  Phila.  Ct.  Quarter  Sessions.  1773-1780.— City  Hall, 
Phila. 

Court  Papers,  Phila.  Co.  1723-1744.— H.  S.  P. 

Ancient  Records  of  Philadelphia.  (Collected  by  J.  W.  Wal 
lace.  Largely  presentments  of  the  grand  jury.  Interesting 
light  on  the  conduct  of  negroes.) — H.  S.  P. 

Three  Lower  Counties — Delaware.  ^ 

Record  of  the  Court  at  Upland  in  Penn.  Nov.  14,  i676-June 
2,  1681.— H.  S.  P. 

New  Castle  Court  Records:  Liber  A,  1676-1678;  Liber  B, 
1678-1681.  Coll.  Genealogical  Soc.  of  Pa.  Transcribed.  Also 
printed :  Records  of  the  Court  of  Neiv  Castle  on  Delaware, 
1676-1681  (Lancaster,  1904).— H.  S.  P. 

New  Castle  Court  Records.  1677-1682.  (Logan  Papers.)  — 
H.  S.  P. 

Ancient  Records  of  Sussex  County.  1681-1709.  (This  large 
folio  is  a  storehouse  of  material  for  the  early  history  of  servi 
tude  in  Pa.  Some  very  important  references  to  negroes  oc 
cur).— H.  S.  P. 

Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania. 

Miscellaneous  Papers  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Nisi  Prius 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  (844  vols.  bound  and  indexed.)  — 
Coll.  Genealogical  Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

High  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals. 

Docket  of  the  High  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals.  April, 
1790  to  July,  1808.  (Vol.  10  of  Sup.  Ct.  Dockets.  Contains 
references  to  the  famous  case  testing  the  legality  of  slavery 
in  Pennsylvania  under  the  Constitition  of  1790.) — Archives 
Sup.  Ct.,  Phila.  City  Hall. 

Special  Courts. 

Records  of  Special  Courts  for  the  Trial  of  Negroes,  held  at 
Chester,  in  Chester  County.  (The  only  docket  of  such  courts 
known  to  exist.) — Ct.  H.,  Media,  Pa. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  257 

Wills  and  Deeds. 

Philadelphia  Deeds:  Deed  Book  E.  I,  vol.  V.  (Not  arranged 
chronologically.  Negroes  sold  "forever" — slaves.) — Office 
Recorder  of  Deeds,  City  Hall,  Phila. 

Wills  and  Inventories  of  Estates. — Office  Register  of  Wills, 
Ct.  H.,  West  Chester,  Pa. 

Philadelphia  Wills,  Book  A,  1683-1699.  (Many  hints  as  to 
the  legal  status  of  negroes.) — Office  Register  of  Wills,  City 
Hall,  Phila. 

Will  of  William  Penn.  Newcastle  on  Delaware,  3Oth  8br, 
1701.  (Freedom  for  his  negroes.) — H.  S.  P. 

Board  of  Trade  Records. 

Board  of  Trade  Journals.  1675-1782.  90  vols.  Transcribed 
1898.  (Some  few  references  to  negroes  in  Pa. — The  Journals 
and  Papers  of  the  Board  of  Trade  were  transcribed  from  the 
original  MS.  vols.  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  England,  for  the 
H.  S.  P.)— H.  S.  P. 

Board  of  Trade  Papers,  Plantations  General.  1689-1780. 
Vols.  2-31.  Tr.  1904.  (These  and  the  following  contain  valu 
able  information  about  negroes.  Numbers,  etc.) — H.  S.  P. 

Board  of  Trade  Papers,  Proprieties.  1697-1776.  Vols.  2-24. 
Tr.  1901-1902.— H.  S.  P. 

Letters,  Diaries,  Cash  Books,  and  Ledgers. 
In  separate  groups  may  be  arranged  sources  such  as  letter- 
books,  diaries,  cash  books,  ledgers,  etc.,  of  small  individual  im 
portance,  and  seldom  containing  any  fundamental  information, 
yet  affording  an  almost  infinite  number  of  notices  concerning 
matters  legal,  social,  and  economic,  which  have  made  up  no 
small  part  of  this  book.  They  constitute  a  mine  of  material 
which  it  is  nearly  impossible  to  exhaust.  Perhaps  no  state 
south  of  New  England  has  a  richer  store  of  such  MSS. 

Letters. 

Very  important  are  the  various  collections  of  Penn  Papers. 
William  Penn  had  negro  slaves,  as  did  some  of  the  Penns  after 
him.  Their  letters,  papers,  accounts,  etc.,  contain  many  notices 
interesting  and  pertinent  as  to  the  management  of  slaves,  the 
cost  of  their  maintenance,  treatment,  etc. 

18 


258  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Letters  and  Papers  of  (William)  Penn.  i666-about  1857. 
(Not  chron.  Coll.  by  F.  J.  Dreer.)— H.  S.  P. 

Penn  Papers.  Accounts.    (Unbound.) — H.  S.  P. 

Penn  MSS.  Domestic  Letters.  William  Penn  1681-1709; 
Hannah  Penn,  1716-1718.— H.  S.  P. 

Penn  MSS.  Forbes  Coll.  I.  1652-1722;  II.  1695-1706.— H. 
S.  P. 

Penn  MSS.  Miscellaneous  MSS.  of  Wm.  Penn.  Ford  v. 
Penn.  Beranger  v.  Penn.  1674-1716.— H.  S.  P. 

Penn  MSS.     Official  Correspondence.     1683-1727.— H.  S.  P. 

Penn  MSS.  Papers  Relating  to  the  Three  Lower  Counties. 
1629-1774.— H.  S.  P. 

Penn  v.  Baltimore.     Depositions.     Phila.,  1740.— H.  S.  P. 

Penn-Physick  MSS.  Land  Grants  and  Surveys.  IV.  1676- 
1801.— H.  S.  P. 

Early  Quakers  and  Penn  Family.  Etting  Papers.  1661- 
1829.— H.  S.  P. 

Pennsylvania  Miscellaneous  Papers.  Penn  and  Baltimore 
Family.  1653-1724.— H.  S.  P. 

Logan  Papers.  VIII.  Dickinson  Family.  1702-1793.  (Jona 
than  Dickinson  was  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  early  mer 
chants  of  Phila.)— H.  S.  P. 

Selections  from  the  Correspondence  of  the  Honourable 
James  Logan.  1699-1712.  (Compiled  by  D.  Logan.) — A.  P.  S. 

Isaac  Norris  (i.  I.  N.,  mayor  of  Phila.  and  provincial  coun 
cillor,  1671-1735.  2.  His  son,  I.  N.,  speaker  of  Assembly, 
1701-1766.  Great  merchants  of  Phila.  Imported  slaves).  Let 
ter  Books.  1699-1702,  1702-1704,  1704-1706,  1706-1709,  1709- 
1716,  1716-1730,  1719-1756,  1756-1766. — H.  S.  P. 

Isaac  Norris.    Letter  Book.    1717-1753. — H.  S.  P. 

Isaac  Norris,  Extracts  from  the  Letter  Books  of,  1699-1734. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Pemberton  Papers.    I.    Etting  Papers.    1672-1760.— H.  S.  P. 

Shippen  Family,  Papers  of  the,  1701-1755. — H.  S.  P. 

Smith  MSS.     1678-1879.— R.  B. 

Streeper  Papers.     Bucks  County.     1682-1772.— H.  S.  P. 

Correspondence  of  Prominent  Men  west  of  the  Alleghanies 
during  the  years  1769,  1770  and  1771.  (Letter  book.  Request 
for  negroes  to  be  sent  from  Pa.  to  the  West.) — P.  S.  L. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  259 

Diaries. 

Diary  of  James  Allen  of  Philadelphia.  1770-1778.  (Im 
portant  for  social  conditions  during  period  of  disturbance. 
Describes  disorders  at  length,  but  mentions  no  trouble  due  to 
negroes.) — H.  S.  P. 

Diary  of  Richard  Barnard  of  East  Maryborough  Township, 
Chester  Co.,  Pa.  1774-1792. — A.  C.  Myers,  Moylan,  Pa.,  (Ex 
tracts  by). 

Journals  of  Joshua  Brown  of  JJttle  Britain,  Lancaster  Co., 
Pa.  1756-1790.— Fr.  Lib.,  142  N.  i6th  St.,  Phila. 

Christopher  Marshall's  Remembrancer.  Jan.  2,  1774-Sept. 
24,  1781.  (Numerous  references  to  negroes.) — H.  S.  P. 

An  Account  of  Negroes  Set  Free.  Kept  by  James  Moon 
of  Woodbourne,  etc.  1776-1785.  (Perhaps  the  most  detailed 
of  all  existing  accounts  of  the  efforts  made  by  Friends'  Visiting 
Committees  to  persuade  owners  to  set  their  negroes  free.)  — 
S.  C.  Moon,  Fallsington,  Pa.  Copy  owned  by  President  I. 
Sharpless,  Haverford,  Pa. 

Diary  of  Joel  Swayne.  1823-1833.  (East  Marlborough 
Township,  Chester  Co.,  Pa.  References  to  kidnapping,  fugi 
tives,  etc.) — W.  M.  Swayne,  Kennett  Square,  Pa. 

Ledgers,  Account  Books,  Cash  Books. 

Ledger  and  Letter  Book  of  Peter  Baynton.  1721-1726. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Account  Book,  Samuel  Carpenter's  Estate,  Philadelphia. 
1737-1742.  (Numerous  references  to  care  and  maintenance  of 
negroes,  cost  of  clothing,  etc.) — Orphans'  Ct,  Phila. 

Account  Book  and  Ledgers  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  1730- 
about  1742.— A.  P.  S. 

Richard  Hayes's  Ledger.     1708-1740. — H.  S.   P. 

James  Logan's  Account  Book.     1712-1719. — H.  S.  P. 

Isaac  Norris.  Account  Books.  1709-1724,  1724-1764. — H.  S.  P. 

William  Penn  with  Samuel  Jennings  R.  G.  1690-1693.  (Per 
sonal  account  book  of  W.  P.)— P.  S.  L.,  Div.  Pub.  Rec. 

William  Penn  Proprietor  and  Governour  of  the  Province  of 
Pensilvania  etc.  his  Cash  Book  Commencing  the  7th  of  the 
loth  motb  Anno  Domini  1699.  (Hired  negroes,  lent  them 
money,  etc.) — A.  P.  S. 


26o  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

William  Penn's  Cash  Book.    1710-1726.— H.  S.  P. 

Philadelphia  Account  Books.    1694-1698,  1722-1729. — H.  S.  P. 

John  Ross.     Day  Book.     1758-1783.— H.  S.  P. 

John  Stamper's  Letter  Book.     1751-1772. — H.  S.  P. 

William  Trent's  Ledger.  1703-1708.  (Merchant  of  Phila. 
Imported  negroes.) — Mercantile  Lib.,  Phila. 

John  Wilson's  Cash  Books.  1768,  1770,  1773,  1774,  1775,  1776, 
I777--H.  S.  P. 

Assessment  Books  and  Tax  Lists. 

Primary  source  for  the  numbers  and  distribution  of  negroes. 

Bucks  Co.     Assessment  Books.     1779,  1781,  1782. — P.  S.  L. 

Chester  Co.,  Assessment  List  of,  1764-1765.  (Supposed  to 
be  the  earliest  remaining.) — G.  Cope,  West  Chester,  Pa. 

Chester  Co.  Assessment  Books.  1765,  1766,  1767,  1768,  1769, 
1771,  1774,  1779,  1780,  1781.— P.  S.  L. 

Returns  of  Property,  Chester  Co.     1781.— P.  S.  L. 

Northampton  Co.  Provincial  Tax  Assessments.  1767,  1768. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Philadelphia  Co.     Assessment  Book.  1769. — P.  S.  L. 

Church  Records. 

These  are  of  much  value  as  showing  the  kind  of  religious 
work  done  among  negroes. 

Christ  Church,  Phila.,  Records  of.  I-IV.  Baptisms,  1709- 
1900.  V-VII.  Marriages,  1709-1900.  Mr.  Cummin's  Private 
Register,  1726-1741.  (Show  excellent  work  done  by  this  church 
for  negroes.)  Tr.  for  Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa. — H.  S.  P. 

First  Presbyterian  Church,  Phila.,  Records  of.  Baptisms, 
1701-1856.  Marriages,  1760-1855.  Tr.  for  Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa — 
H.  S.  P. 

First  Reformed  Church  of  Phila.,  Records  of.  Baptisms, 
1748-1860.  Burials,  1748-1809.  Marriages,  1748-1860.  Tr.  for 
Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

St.  Michael's  and  Zion  Church,  Phila.,  Records  of.  Baptisms, 
1745-1771.  Burials,  1745-1771.  Marriages,  1745-1764.  Tr.  for 
Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Book  of  Record  of  Merion  Meeting  Grave-Yard. — Friends' 
Meeting  House,  I5th  and  Race  Streets,  Phila. 

Record  of  Sandy  Bank  Cemetery,  Delaware  Co.,  Pa.— H. 
S.  P. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  261 

Records  of  Friends'  Meetings. 

These  records  are  of  preeminent  importance  for  the  history 
of  the  negro  in  Pennsylvania.  Careful,  reliable,  and  sincere, 
they  reveal  as  do  no  other  sources  the  cause  of  the  early  over 
throw  of  slavery  there,  and  the  first  efforts  to  elevate  the  negro 
race. 

Monthly  Meetings. 

Minutes  of  Abington  M.  M.  1682-1746.  Tr.  for  Gen.  Soc.  of 
Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  Abington  M.  M.  1746-1774.  Abstract  by  G.  Cope 
for  Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Buckingham  M.  M.,  Extracts  from  Minutes  of.  1720-1803. 
Tr.  for  Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Chester  M.  M.  Minutes.  1708-1721,  1745-1778. — Orthodox  Fr. 
M.  House,  Media,  Pa. 

Chester  M.  M.  Acknowledgments.     1700-1733.     Same  place. 

Chester  M.  M.  Certificates,  Testimonies  and  Acknowledg 
ments.  1733-1774. — Same  place. 

Chester  M.  M.  Miscellaneous  Papers. — Same  place. 

Darby  M.  M.  Minutes.    1684-1780.— Fr.  M.  H.,  Darby,  Pa. 

Exeter  M.  M.  Minutes,  Book  B.  1765-1785.— Fr.  M.  H.,  15th 
and  Race  Streets,  Phila. 

Gwynedd  M.  M.  Minutes.  1714-1801.  (Many  manumissions 
noted.)  Abstract  for  Gen.  Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Middletown  M.  M.  Minutes.  1683-1809.  Tr.  for  Gen.  Soc.  of 
Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Middletown  M.  M.,  Papers  of.  1759-1786.— Fr.  M.  H.,  isth 
and  Race  Streets,  Phila. 

Radnor  M.  M.  Minutes.   1763-1772,  1772-1782.— Same  place. 

Sadsbury  M.  M.  Minutes.     1737-1783. — Same  place. 

Warrington  M.  M.  Minutes.  1747-1856.  Abstract  for  Gen. 
Soc.  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Quarterly  Meetings. 

Minutes  of  Women's  Quarterly  Meetings  in  Bucks  County. 
1685-1805 — Fr.  M.  H.,  isth  and  Race  Streets,  Phila. 

Chester  Quarterly  M.  Minutes.  1683-1767,  1768-1800.— Orth 
odox  Fr.  M.  H.,  Media,  Pa. 

Quarterly  Meeting  Book  for  Women  Friends  in  Chester 
County.  1715-1803. — Same  place. 


262  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(Providence  Q.  iM.  Minutes.  1687-1709.  Binder's  title  =) 
Chester  Q.  M.  Minutes. — Same  place. 

Warrington  Q.  M.  Minutes.  1787-1801.  Tr.  for  Gen.  Soc. 
of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Yearly  Meeting. 

Minutes  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  for  Pa.,  N.  J.,  and  Parts 
Adjacent.  1682-1746,  1747-1779.  (Invaluable.  Decisions  of 
the  Friends  as  to  slavery  and  the  slave-trade.) — Fr.  M.  H.,  4th 
and  Arch  Streets,  Phila. 

Yearly  Meeting  Advices.  1682-1777. — Orth.  Fr.  M.  H., 
Media,  Pa. 

Records  of  the  Abolition  and  Anti-Slavery  Societies. 
Supplementary  to  the  Friends'  records,  but  of  wider  interest, 
and  forming  a  class  by  themselves  are  the  records  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.  They 
are  of  fundamental  importance  for  the  beginnings  of  abolition 
ism  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  United  States,  and  are  besides  a 
vast  storehouse  of  information  of  every  kind  about  slavery 
and  the  negro.  After  1831  they  are  supplemented  by  the  re 
cords  of  the  anti-slavery  societies. 

Pennsylvania  Society  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc. 

Alphabetical  List  of  the  Residing  Members  in  Pennsylvania 
of  the  P.  S.  A.  S.,  etc.  1784-1819.— H.  S.  P. 

Constitution  of  the  P.  S.  A.  S.,  etc.,  with  a  List  of  the  Mem 
bers'  Autographs. — Fr.  M.  H.,  isth  and  Race  Streets. 

Constitution  and  Minutes  of  the  P.  S.  A.  S.,  etc.  1787-1847. 
3  vols.— H.  S.  P. 

Records  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abo 
lition  of  Slavery,  for  the  Relief  of  Free  Negroes  Unlawfully 
Held  in  Bondage,  and  for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Af 
rican  Race.  1748-1868.  II  vols.  (This  was  the  official  title. 
These  volumes  are  a  mine  of  information  about  slaves,  man 
umission,  freedmen,  kidnapping,  runaways,  etc.) — H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  the  Acting  Committee  of  the  P.  S.  A.  S.  1784- 
1842,  4  vols.— H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of.     1842-1865. — Fr.  M.  H.,  isth  and  Race  Streets. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  263 

Minutes  of  the  Committee  on  the  African  Slave  Trade.  1805- 
1807.— H.  S.  P. 

Petition  to  the  Assembly  of  Pa.  (Petition  printed.  1688 
signatures.) — H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  the  Board  of  Education.  1819-1839,  1840-1865. 
(Illustrates  the  Society's  active  work  for  the  education  of  the 
negro.)— H.  S.  P. 

Entrance  Book  for  Girls'  School.  1827-1838.  (Information 
as  to  pupils  in  the  Society's  school.) — H.  S.  P. 

Roll  Book  of  Scholars  Attending  at  Clarkson  Hall  High 
School,  commencing  June  3,  1834. — H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  the  Committee  for  Improving  the  Condition  of 
Free  Blacks.  1790-1803.— H.  S.  P. 

Letter  Book.    1794-1809.— H.   S.  P. 

Census  of  Colored  Population  of  Phila.  No.  I.  1837.  (These 
and  the  following  were  taken  by  agents  of  the  Society.) — 
H.  S.  P. 

Census  of  the  Condition  of  the  People  of  Colour  in  the  City 
and  District  of  Philadelphia.  1847.  (Minute  statistics  in  long 
tables.)— H.  S.  P. 

Education  and  Employment  Statistics  of  the  Colored  People 
of  Philadelphia.  (Prepared  by  Nathan  Kite.)— H.  S.  P. 

Education  and  Employment  Statistics  of  the  Colored  People 
of  Philadelphia.  (Taken  by  B.  C.  Bacon.  1856.)— H.  S.  P. 
(The  foregoing  censuses  contain  the  most  accurate  and  exhaus 
tive  information  in  existence  as  to  the  social  and  economic  con 
dition  of  the  negroes  of  Phila.  1837-1857.) 

Books  of  Indentures  of  Negro  Apprentices.  (Bound  out 
under  the  auspices  of  the  P.  S.  A.  S.)— H.  S.  P. 

Records  of  Manumissions.  Books  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  G. 
1794-1851.  (Contain  thousands  of  records  of  manumissions  in 
which  the  Society  was  interested.) — H.  S.  P. 

Copies  of  Nineteen  Laws  of  Pa.  relating  to  Negroes.  1700- 
1793-  (Procured  for  the  Society  1797.)— H.  S.  P. 

W[illiam]  J.  B[uck],  History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition 
Society.  1773-1841.  2  vols.— H.  S.  P. 

Anti-Slavery  Societies. 

Minute  Book  of  the  Junior  Anti-Slavery  Society.  1836- 
1846.— H.  S.  P. 


264  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Constitution  of  the  Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery  Society.  (Book 
contains  names  of  members.) — H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Anti-Slavery  Society.  Book  4.  1856-1870.— H.  S.  P. 

American  Convention  for  promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
etc.,  Minutes  of.  1794-1804,  1805-1809.— H.  S.  P. 

Id.,  Minutes  of  the  Acting  Committee  of.  1827-1837.— H.  S.  P. 

Miscellaneous. 

Buck,  W.  J.,  History  of  Bucks  County.  (Author's  MS.  and 
scrap-book.) — A.  C.  Myers,  Moylan,  Pa. 

Book  of  Record  of  Indentures  of  Apprentices,  Servants,  Re- 
demptioners  bound  in  the  Office  of  the  Mayor.  Philadelphia, 
October,  I77i-October,  1773.  (Very  important.  Early  records 
of  negro  apprentices.) — A.  P.  S. 

Indentures,  manumission  papers,  etc. — Miss  M.  B.  Clark, 
Lancaster,  Pa. 

Inventories  of  estates.  (Frequently  contain  values  of  ne 
groes.) — H.  S.  P.  and  other  places. 

Miscellaneous  Collection,  Box  10,  Negroes.  (Of  great  value. 
Indentures,  manumission  papers,  etc.,  etc.) — H.  S.  P. 

Miscellaneous  MSS.  1744-1859.  Northern  Interior  and 
Western  Counties.— H.  S.  P. 

Miscellaneous  MSS.  1738-1806.  York  and  Cumberland 
Counties.— H.  S.  P. 

Miscellaneous  Papers.  108  vols.  1754-1787.  (Unclassified. 
Arranged  chronologically.  Largely  communications  to  the  Su 
preme  Executive  Council,  papers  regarding  military  matters, 
petitions,  etc.,  etc.) — P.  S.  L.,  Div.  Pub.  Rec. 

Miscellaneous  Papers.     1684-1847.     Chester  Co.— H.  S.  P. 

Miscellaneous  Papers.     1724-1772.     Lancaster  Co. — H.  S.  P. 

Miscellaneous  Papers.  1685-1805.  Three  Lower  Counties, 
Delaware.— H.  S.  P. 

List  of  the  Poor,  Chester  Co.,  Pa.  1800. — Poor  House,  Em- 
breeville,  Pa. 

Returns  of  the  Directors  of  the  Poor  to  the  Judges  of  the 
Court  of  General  Quarter  Sessions  for  the  County  of  Chester. 
(Beginning  1801.)— G.  Cope,  West  Chester,  Pa. 

Provincial  Papers.  32  vols.  1664-1776.  (Much  of  this  ma 
terial  already  printed  in  Col.  Rec.  and  i  Pa.  Arch.} — P.  S.  L., 
Div.  Pub.  Rec. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  265 

Records  and  evidence  in  runaway  slave  cases.  1821-1838. 
(Chester  Co.  Bundles  of  unbound  MSS.) — G.  Cope,  West 
Chester. 

Evidence  in  cases  of  runaway  slaves  given  before  Isaac 
Darlington.  1828-1837.  (Prest.  Judge  of  the  Judicial  District 
comprising  Delaware  and  Chester  counties.) — G.  Cope. 

Register  of  slaves  in  Chester  County,  1780.  (Made  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  Act  of  1780  for  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery.  Probably  the  only  such  register  extant.) — Library 
West  Chester  State  Normal  School,  Pa. 

Watson's  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  with  additions.  (Author's 
MS.  and  notes.  1829.  Contains  many  things  not  in  the  printed 
Annals,  especially  drawings  by  Watson.) — H.  S.  P. 

II. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

Effort  has  been  made  to  use  newspapers  for  the  entire  period 
covered  by  this  work  after  1719,  when  the  publication  of  the 
American  Weekly  Mercury  began.  For  years  of  special  sig 
nificance,  notably  1837-1838,  every  accessible  paper  has  been  con 
sulted.  Much  material  of  this  kind  has  been  used,  though 
chiefly  for  illustrative  purposes.  No  single  statement  of  im 
portance  rests  upon  any  newspaper  notice,  and  no  conclusions 
are  based  on  this  source  alone.  (N.  B. — The  enclosed  dates  in 
this  section  indicate  the  years  for  which  the  paper  was 
examined  ;  w.  =  weekly ;  s-w.  —  semi-weekly ;  tri-w.  —  tri 
weekly;  d.  =  daily.) 

The  Adams  Sentinel  and  General  Advertiser,  w.  Gettysburg, 
Pa.  (Jan.  4-Sept.  27,  1841.)— York  Co.  Hist.  Soc. 

Allegheny  Democrat,  and  Farmers'  and  Mechanics'  Adver 
tiser,  w.  Pittsburg,  Pa.  (1826.  Some  numbers  missing.) — P. 
S.  L. 

American  Daily  Advertiser,  Dunlap  and  Claypoole's.  d. 
Phila.  (1793-1795,  and  some  numbers.)— L.  C. 

American  Daily  Advertiser,  Claypoole's.  d.  (1796-1800,  and 
some  numbers.) — L.  C. 

American  Herald,  w.  Greensburg,  Pa.  (1859.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  American  Sentinel  and  Mercantile  Advertiser,  d.  Phila. 
(1835,  1837,  1838,  and  some  numbers.)— R.  B. 


266  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

American  Volunteer,  w.  Carlisle,  Pa.  (Jan.  3-June  13,  1839, 
and  some  numbers.) — P.  S.  L. 

American  Weekly  Mercury,  w.  Phila.  (1719-1741.)  The 
first  newspaper  published  in  Pa.  The  only  existing  file  is  in 
the  Ridgway  Branch  of  the  Library  Company  of  Phila. 

The  Anti-Masonic  Herald,  and  Lancaster  Weekly  Courier. 
w.  Lancaster.  (Jan.  i-Dec.  10,  1830.) — P.  S.  L. 

Aurora,  General  Advertiser,  d.  Phila.  (1806,  1808,  1814,  1818, 
1821,  and  some  numbers.) — R.  B. 

Bedford  Gazette,  w.  Bedford,  Pa.     (1837-1838.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Bradford  Reporter,  w.  Towanda,  Bradford  Co.,  Pa. 
(1848.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Butler  Repository,  w.  Butler,  Pa.  (June  4-Dec.  31, 
1836.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Chronicle,  w.  Harrisburg,  Pa.     (1831.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Chronicle,  and  Harrisburg  Advertiser,  w.  (1819.) — P. 
S.  L. 

Chronicle  of  the  Times,  w.  Reading,  Pa.  (June  4-Dec.  31, 
i833-)-P.  S.  L. 

The  Columbia  Spy,  and  Lancaster  and  York  County  Record. 
w.  Columbia,  Pa.  (1834.)— York  Co.  Hist.  Soc. 

The  Constitutional  Democrat,  w.  Lancaster,  Pa.  (1807.  Some 
numbers  missing.) — P.  S.  L. 

Crawford  Democrat  and  Meadville  Courier,  w.  Meadville, 
Pa.  (Jan.  4-Dec.  22,  1840,  and  some  numbers.) — P.  S.  L. 

The  Daily  American,  d.  Harrisburg.  (Jan.  i-May  28,  1851. 
Some  numbers  missing.) — P.  S.  L. 

Daily  Evening  Express,  d.  Lancaster,  Pa.  (1860.)— P.  S.  L. 

Daily  Patriot  and  Union,  d.  Harrisburg.  (Sept.  i-Dec.  31, 
1859.)— P.  S.  L. 

Dauphin  Guardian,  w.  Harrisburg.    (1808,  1811.) — P.  S.  L. 

The  Democratic  Press,  d.  Phila.  (1819,  and  some  numbers.) 
— R.  B. 

Democratic  Press,  w.  Reading,  Pa.  (1837-1838.)— P.  S.  L. 

Evening  Bulletin,  d.  Phila.  (1851-1856,  and  some  numbers.) 
-R.  B. 

The  Farmer's  Instructor,  and  Harrisburg  Courant.  w.  Har 
risburg.  (Jan.  8-Dec.  31,  1800.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Federal  Gazette,  and  Philadelphia  Evening  Post.  d. 
Phila.  (Aug.  27-Dec.  28,  1789.)— P.  S.  L. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  267 

Franklin  Gazette,  d.  Phila.  (Aug.  23-Dec.  31,  1819.)— P.  S.  L. 

Franklin  Repository,  w.  Chambersburg,  Pa.  (Mar.  ig-Dec. 
24,  1839.)— P.  S.  L. 

General  Advertiser,  d.  Phila.  (1792-1794,  some  numbers.) — 
R.  B. 

Greensburgh  Gazette,  w.  Greensburg,  Pa.  (1825.) — P.  S.  L. 

Harrisburg  Argus,  w.  Harrisburg.   (1828.) — P.  S.  L. 

Harrisburg  Semi-Weekly  Telegraph,  s-w.  (1856.)— P.  S.  L. 

Harrisburger  Morgenrothe  und  Dauphin  und  Cumberland 
Counties  Anzeiger.  w.  (1838.)— P.  S.  L. 

Huntingdon  Journal  and  American,  w.  Huntingdon,  Pa. 
(1860.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Independent  Gaseteer,  and  Agricultural  Repository,  s-w. 
Phila.  (1792,  1793,  and  some  numbers.) — R.  B. 

The  Independent  Republican,  and  York  Recorder,  w.  York. 
(Mar.  27-Dec.  25,  1821.)— York  Co.  Hist.  Soc. 

The  Inland  Daily,  d.  Lancaster.  (July-Dec.  1854.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Intelligencer  and  Weekly  Advertiser,  w.  Lancaster. 
(July  3i-Dec.  25;  1799.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Key  Stone,  w.  Harrisburg.  (June-Dec.  1851.)—  P.  S.  L. 

Lancaster  Intelligencer,  and  Weekly  Advertiser,  w.  Lan 
caster.  (June  2o-Dec.  26,  1818.)— P.  S.  L. 

Lancaster  Journal,  tri-w.  Lancaster.  (Aug.  28-Dec.  29,  1815.) 
-P.  S.  L. 

Lebanon  Advertiser,  w.  Lebanon,  Pa.  (Jan.-June,  1857.  Some 
numbers  missing.) — P.  S.  L. 

The  Lewistown  Republican,  and  Mifflin  County  Working- 
Men's  Advocate,  w.  Lewistown,  Pa.  (Feb.  19,  1840- Aug.  31, 
1842.  Many  numbers  missing.) — P.  S.  L. 

The  Luserne  Union,  w.  Wilkesbarre,  Pa.  (Jan.  19-Dec.  28, 
1853-)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Marietta  Advocate  and  Farmers'  and  Mechanics'  Intel 
ligencer,  w.  Marietta,  Pa.  (1834.  Some  numbers  missing.)  — 
P.  S.  L. 

The  Mifflin  Eagle,  and  Lewistown  Intelligencer,  w.  Lewis- 
town,  Pa.  (Jan.  6-Dec.  15,  1831.)— P.  S.  L. 

Morning  Herald,  d.  Harrisburg.  (Jan.-June,  1854.) — P.  S.  L. 

National  Enquirer,  and  Constitutional  Advocate  of  Universal 
Liberty,  s-m.  and  w.  Phila.  (Ed.  and  pub.  by  Benjamin  Lundy. 
Aug.  3,  1836,  when  it  began,— Mar.  8,  1838.)— R.  B. 


268  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  National  Gazette  and  Literary  Register,  d.  Phila.  (1821, 
1837,  1838,  and  some  numbers.) — R.  B. 

Norristown  Herald,  and  Weekly  Advertiser,  w.  Norristown, 
Pa.  (1824.)— P.  S.  L. 

North  American  and  United  States  Gazette,  d.  Phila.  (Jan.- 
June,  1857.)— L.  C.  P. 

The  Pennsylvania  Chronicle  and  Universal  Advertiser,  w. 
Phila.  (1767-1772.  Some  numbers.)— R.  B. 

The  Pennsylvania  Freeman.  iSfew  Series,  w.  Phila.  (Pub. 
by  the  Pa.  Anti-Slavery  Soc.  1844-1853.)— R.  B. 

Pennsylvania  Gazette,   w.    (1735-1804.) — L.   C.  and  R.  B. 

The  Pennsylvania  Herald,  and  York  General  Advertiser,  w. 
(1797.)— York  Co.  Hist.  Soc. 

Pennsylvania  Inquirer,  d.  Phila.  (1830-1838,  and  some  num 
bers.)— R.  B. 

Pennsylvania  Intelligencer,  s-w.  and  w.  Harrisburg.  (Jan. 
5-Nov.  6,  1827.  Some  numbers  missing.) — P.  S.  L, 

The  Pennsylvania  Journal  and  the  Weekly  Advertiser,  w. 
Phila.  (1791,  1792,  and  some  numbers.) — R.  B. 

The  Pennsylvania  Packet  or  the  General  Advertiser,  w.  and 
s-w.  Phila.  (1778-1790.)—!..  C.  and  R.  B. 

Pennsylvania  Reporter,  and  Democratic  State  Journal,  w. 
Harrisburg.  (Sept-Dec.,  1838.)— P.  S.  L. 

Pennsylvania  Telegraph,  w.  Harrisburg.  (July  7,  i84i-June 
29,  1842.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Pennsylvanian.  d.  Phila.  (1837-1847,  and  some  num 
bers.)— R.  B. 

People's  Advocate,  w.  York,  Pa.  (Jan.  8-Dec.  31,  1850.)  — 
York  Co.  Hist.  Soc. 

The  Philadelphia  Gazette  and  Universal  Daily  Advertiser. 
d.  Philadelphia.  (1794-1795,  some  numbers.) — R.  B. 

The  Philadelphia  Gazette  and  Daily  Advertiser,  d.  Phila. 
(1820-1840.)— R.  B. 

The  Philadelphian.  w.  Phila.  (Jan.  i,  i835-Dec.  31,  1835.)  — 
P.  S.  L. 

Philadelphische  Correspondent,  w.  Phila.   (1793.) — P.  S.  L. 

Philadelphische  Staatsbote.   w.    Phila.    (1763-1769.)— R.    B. 

Porcupine's  Gazette,  d.  Phila.  (1799,  and  some  numbers.)  — 
R.  B. 

Paulson's  American  Daily  Advertiser,  d.  Phila.  (1814,  1815, 
1837,  1838.)— R.  B.  and  L.  C.  P. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  269 

The  Press,  d.  Phila.  (1857,  1858,  1859,  and  some  numbers.) 
— L.  C.  P. 

Public  Ledger,  d.  Phila.  (1850,  1851,  1857,  1859,  1860.)— L. 
C.  P. 

Record  of  the  Times,  and  Wilkes-Barre  Advocate,  w.  Wilkes- 
barre.  (1855.)— P.  S.  L. 

Republican  Farmer  and  Democratic  Journal,  w.  Wilkesbarre. 
(Jan.-Aug.,  1838.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Somerset  Whig.  w.  Somerset,  Pa.  (1818.)— P.  S.  L. 

Spirit  of  the  Times  and  Daily  Keystone,  d.  Phila.  (1848.)  — 
R.  B. 

Star  and  Republican  Banner,  w.  Gettysburg,  Pa.  (Mar.  31- 
Dec.  21,  1840.)— York  Co.  Hist.  Soc. 

The  Times,  w.  Lancaster.  (1809.  Some  numbers  missing.)  — 
P.  S.  L. 

The  Union  Times  and  Republican  Herald,  w.  New  Berlin, 
Union  Co.,  Pa.  (Jan.  3-Dec.  19,  1834.)— P.  S.  L. 

United  States  Gazette,  d.  Phila.  (1837-1840,  and  some  num 
bers.)— R.  B. 

The  Upland  Union,  Delaware  County  Democrat  and  People's 
Advocate,  w.  Chester,  Pa.  (May  29,  i838-Dec.  31,  1839.)— P. 
S.  L. 

Westmoreland  Intelligencer,  w.  Greensburg,  Pa.  (Feb.  8, 
i833-Jan.  31,  1834.)— P.  S.  L. 

The  Whig.  w.  Chambersburg,  Pa.  (Jan.  8-Dec.  30,  1836. 
Some  numbers  missing.) — P.  S.  L. 

Whig  State  Journal,  w.  Harrisburg.  (Jan.  29-Dec.  30,  1852.)  — 
P.  S.  L. 

York  Gazette,  w.  (Mar.  7-Dec.  26,  1828.  German.)— York  Co. 
Hist.  Soc. 

York  Recorder,  w.  (1812.) — Same  place. 

York  Republican,  and  Anti-Masonic  Expositor,  w.  (Mar.  16- 
Dec.  28,  1830.) — Same  place. 

III. 

BOOKS  AND  PAMPHLETS. 

This  list  is  designed  to  include  only  the  sources.  On  ac 
count  of  its  length,  however,  it  was  necessary  to  omit  certain 
classes  of  works.  Most  of  the  early  travellers  came  to  Phila- 


270  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

delphia,  and  they  frequently  allude  to  the  negroes  there.  They 
furnish  much  curious  information,  but  their  books  are  suffi 
ciently  well  known  to  be  omitted  here.  The  county  histories 
as  a  rule  are  poor,  but  they  contain  a  great  deal  of  source  ma 
terial  not  to  be  had  elsewhere,  some  of  which  has  been  used. 
These  histories  also  are  well  known.  Many  other  books,  such 
as  family  records,  genealogical  collections,  etc.,  afforded  hints, 
but  are  not  listed,  because  the  help  given  was  small  in  amount. 
In  general  books  with  descriptive  titles  are  not  described.  This 
is  particularly  the  case  with  the  abolitionist  and  anti-slavery 
literature  cited. 

(Abolition  of  Slavery,  Bill  for),  No.  399.  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  Read  Feb.  14,  1826.  These  bills  as  a  rule  are  merely 
mentioned  in  the  House  and  Senate  Journals. — Fr.  Lib.,  142  N. 
i6th  Street,  Phila. 

Abolition  Exposed  Corrected.  By  a  Physician,  Formerly 
Resident  of  the  South,  etc.  Phila.,  1838.— L.  C.  P. 

Achenwall's  in  Gottingen  uber  Nordamerika  und  uber  dasige 
Grosbritannischc  Colonien  aus  mundlichen  Nachrichten  des 
Herrn  Dr.  Franklins  .  .  .  Anmerkungen.  Frankfort  and  Leip 
zig,  1769.  Some  excellent  information.  Apparently  trust 
worthy.— R.  B. 

Acrelius,  Israel,  Description  of  .  .  .  New  Sweden,  etc.  Stock 
holm,  1759.  Tr.  by  W.  M.  Reynolds,  Phila.,  1874.— In  Mem. 
Hist.  Soc.  Pa.,  XL 

An  Address  from  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  Slavery,  etc.  .  .  .  On  the 
Origin,  Purposes  and  Utility  of  Their  Institution.  Phila.,  1819. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Address  of  the  Eastern  Executive  Committee  of  the  State 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  to  the  Citizens  of  Pennsylvania.  Phila., 
1838.— H.  S.  P. 

Address  of  the  Members  of  the  Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery 
Society  to  Their  Fellow  Citizens.  Published  by  the  Board 
of  Managers.  Phila.,  1835.— H.  S.  P. 

Address  of  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Society,  To  the  Ministers 
of  the  Gospel  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Phila.,  1838. — H. 
S.  P. 

An  Address  to  a  Portion  of  our  Southern  Brethren  in  the 
United  States,  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery,  etc.  Phila.,  1839.— 
Fr.  Lib.,  Park  Place,  Baltimore. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  271 

Address  to  Abolitionists.  Phila.,  1838.— In  behalf  of  the  Re 
quited  Labor  Convention. — H.  S.  P. 

An  Address  to  Christians  of  All  Denominations,  on  the  In 
consistency  of  Admitting  Slave-Holders  to  Communion  and 
Church  Membership.  Phila.,  1831.  [Evan  Lewis.]  H.  S.  P. 

An  Address  to  Friends  and  Friendly  People  ;  being  an  Exhor 
tation  to  Faithfulness  in  the  Maintenance  of  our  Christian  Tes 
timony  against  Slavery.  Phila.,  1848. — F.  Lib.,  Balto. 

Address  to  the  Citizens  of  Pennsylvania.  Phila.,  1837.— By 
convention  held  at  Harrisburg  to  form  a  state  anti-slavery  so 
ciety.— H.  S.  P. 

An  Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Settlements  in 
America  upon  Slave-Keeping,  etc.  2d  ed.,  Phila.,  1773. — R.  B. 

An  Address  to  the  .  .  .  Meetings  .  .  .  by  the  Committee  .  .  . 
Subject  of  Slavery.  Phila.,  1839.— Fr.  Lib.,  Balto. 

Address  to  the  People  of  Colour  at  the  Exhibition  of  the 
Mary-Street  Public  School,  etc.  Phila.,  1825.— Fr.  Lib.,  142  N. 
Sixteenth  Street,  Phila. 

Address  to  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of  the  Free 
States,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  Phila.,  1838.— 
By  the  A-sl.  Conv.  of  American  Women  at  Phila. — H.  S.  P. 

Addresse  an  das  Volk  uber  Sclaverei.  Eine  V ertheidigung 
der  Grunds'dtze  und  Massregeln  der  Abolitionist  en.  Heraus- 
gegeben  von  der  ostlichen  Abtheilung  der  pennsylvanischen 
Anti-Sclaverei-Gesellschaft.— H.  S.  P. 

Addresses  Delivered  in  the  .  .  .  House  of  Representatives, 
Harrisburg.  Pub.  by  order  of  the  Pa.  Colonization  Soc.  Phila., 
1852.— H.  S.  P. 

The  African  Observer.  A  Monthly  Journal  Containing  Es 
says  and  Documents  Illustrative  of  the  General  Character,  and 
Moral  and  Political  Effects,  of  Negro  Slavery.  (Vol.  I.  4  mo., 
1827,  to  3  mo.,  1828.)  Phila.,  1828.— H.  S.  P. 

The  African  Repository  and  Colonial  Journal,  m.  Washing 
ton,  1826-1842.— Pub.  by  the  Amer.  Col.  Soc.— R.  B. 

The  African's  Right  to  Citizenship.  Phila,  1865.— H.  S.  P. 

The  American  Free  Produce  Journal.  Circular.  Phila,  Oct. 
i,  1842.— H.  S.  P. 

The  Anti-Slavery  Alphabet.  Phila,  1847.— H.  S.  P. 
(Anti-Slavery  Tracts.    Phila,  no  date.) 
i.  Extracts  from  the  American  Slave  Code. 


272  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

2.  Declaration  of  Sentiments  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery 

Society. 

3.  The  No-Voting  Theory. 

4.  The  Political  Economy  of  Slavery. 

5.  The  Superiority  of  Moral   over  Political  Power.    By 

A  din  Ballon. 

6.  Immediate  Emancipation  Safe  and  Profitable. 
10.  The  American  Slave  Trade. — H.  S.  P. 

Appeal  of  Forty  Thousand  Citizens,  Threatened  with  Dis- 
franchisement,  to  the  People  of  Pennsylvania.  Phila.,  1838. — 
Memorial  by  negroes  against  the  constitutional  amendment  of 
1838.— H.  S.  P. 

The  Appeal  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends  .  .  .  on  Behalf 
of  the  Coloured  Races.  Phila.,  1858. — Deprecates  existing  pre 
judice. — R.  B. 

The  Arrest,  Trial,  and  Release  of  Daniel  Webster,  a  Fugitive 
Slave.  Correspondence  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard.  Phila., 
J85Q. — Condemning  Fugitive  Slave  Law. — L.  C.  P. 

The  Articles  Settlement  and  Offices  of  the  Free  Society  of 
Traders  in  Pennsylvania,  Agreed  upon  by  divers  Merchants  and 
Others  for  the  better  Improvement  and  Government  of  Trade 
in  That  Province.  London,  1682. — Company  to  hold  negroes  as 
servants. — H.  S.  P. 

Atlee,  Edwin  P.,  An  Address  to  the  Citizens  of  Philadelphia 
on  the  Subject  of  Slavery.  Phila.,  1833.— H.  S.  P. 

Benezet,  Anthony.  (Probably  the  most  influential  of  the 
early  abolitionist  writers.  His  books  are  earnest  and  im 
passioned,  but  apparently  accurate.) 

A  Short  Account  of  that  Part  of  Africa  Inhabited  by  the 

Negroes,  etc.    Phila.,  1762.— H.  S.  P. 

A  Caution  and  Warning  to  Great  Britain  and  Her  Colonies 
in  a  Short  Representation  of  the  Calamitous  State  of 
the  Enslaved  Negroes,  etc.   Phila.,  1766.— H.  S.  P. 
Some  Historical  Account  of  Guinea,  etc.    Phila.,  1771. — 

H.  S.  P. 
A  Collection  of  Religious  Tracts,  etc.    (Benezet  Tracts.) 

Phila.,  1773.— H.  S.  P. 
Notes  on  the  Slave  Trade.    1780.— H.S.  P. 
Short  Observations  on  Slavery,  etc.   Phila.,  1783.— H.  S.  P. 
Missive  van  Cornells  Bom,  Geschreven  uit  de  Stadt  Philadel- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  273 

phia,  In  de  Provintie  van  Pennsylvania,  Lcggende  op  d'Oost- 
zyde  van  de  Zuyd  Revier  van  Nieuw  Nederland,  Verhalende  de 
groote  Voortgank  van  de  selve  Provintie,  etc.  Rotterdam, 
1685. — Early  notice  of  negroes  in  Pa. — H.  S.  P. 

Bradford,  Sarah  H.,  Scenes  in  the  Life  of  Harriet  Tubman. 
Auburn,  1869. — Fugitive  slave. — R.  B. 

Branagan,  Thomas,  Serious  Remonstrances  .  .  .  Consisting  of 
Speculations  and  Animadversions,  on  the  Recent  Revival  of  the 
Slave  Trade,  etc.  Phila.,  1805. — Contains  strong  indictment  of 
criminality  of  negroes  in  Pa.  by  opponent  of  slavery. — R.  B. 

Brief  Considerations  on  Slavery,  and  the  Expediency  of  Its 
Abolition.  With  Some  Hints  on  the  Means  whereby  it  may  be 
gradually  effected.  Burlington,  1773. — Contains  "An  Account 
Stated  on  the  Manumission  of  Slaves  " — a  plan  for  making 
manumission  easier. — H.  S.  P. 

A  Brief  Narrative  of  the  Struggle  for  the  Rights  of  the  Col 
ored  People  of  Philadelphia  in  the  City  Railway  Cars,  etc. 
Phila.,  1867. — Shows  prejudice  against  negroes. — H.  S.  P. 

A  Brief  Sketch  of  the  Schools  for  Black  People  and  Their 
Descendants  Established  by  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends  in 
1770.  Phila.,  1867.— H.  S.  P. 

A  Brief  State  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  . .  .  In  a  Letter 
from  a  Gentleman  who  has  resided  many  Years  in  Pennsylvania 
to  his  Friend  in  London.  London,  1755. — R.  B. 

A  Brief  Statement  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Testimony 
of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends,  against  Slavery  and  the 
Slave  Trade.  Phila.,  1843.— Pub.  by  the  Phila.  Yr.  Meeting. 
Based  upon  the  Friends'  Records.  Contains  much  that  cannot 
easily  be  seen  in  the  original. — R.  B. 

Brissot  de  Warville,  J.  P.,  Mcmoire  sur  les  Noirs  de  I'Amer- 
ique  Septentrionale.  Paris,  1789.— R.  B. 

Brissot  de  Warville,  J.  P.,  Nouveau  Voyage  dans  Les  Etats- 
Unis  de  L'  Amerique  Septentrionale,  fait  en  1798,  etc.  3  vols. 
Paris,  1791. — Brissot  a  French  republican,  enthusiastic  for  the 
tree  government  of  America.  Accurate  for  what  he  saw.  Judg 
ments  warped  by  idealism. — R.  B. 

Brown,  David  Paul,  Eulogium  upon  William  Rawle,  LL.  D. 
Delivered  on  the  sist  of  December,  1836.     Phila.,  1837. — Rawle 
was  a  prominent  abolitionist,  and  at  one  time  president  of  the 
Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.— H.  S.  P. 
19 


274  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Brown,  David  Paul,  Letter  of,  to  the  Incorporated  "Penn 
sylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,"  etc. 
Phila.,  1860.— On  fugitive  slave  trials. — P.  L.  L. 

Burden,  Dr.  J.  R.,  of  Philadelphia  Co.,  Remarks  of,  in  the 
Senate  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  Abolition  Question,  February, 
1838.  etc.  Phila.,  1838. — Notices  harm  caused  by  anti-slavery 
extravagances. — P.  L.  L. 

Carey,  Matthew,  Letters  on  the  Colonization  Society ;  and  of 
its  Probable  Results,  etc.  4th  ed.,  Phila.,  1832.— R.  B. 

Carey,  Matthew,  A  Short  Account  of  the  Malignant  Fever 
Lately  Prevalent  in  Philadelphia,  etc.  4th  ed.,  Phila.,  1794. — 
R.  B. 

Case  of  the  Slave  Isaac  Brown,  An  Outrage  Exposed. — 
Tract — Fr.  Hist.  Lib.,  Swarthmore,  Pa. 

[Catto,  Rev.  William  T.,  pastor],  A  Semi-Centenary  Dis 
course,  Delivered  in  the  First  African  Presbyterian  Church, 
Philadelphia,  1857:  with  a  History  of  the  Church  from  Its 
First  Organisation:  etc.  Also,  an  Appendix,  Containing 
Sketches  of  All  the  Colored  Churches  in  Philadelphia.  Phila., 
1857. — The  beginnings  of  negro  church  organization. — H.  S.  P. 

Centennial  Anniversary  of  the  Pa.  Soc.  Ab.  SI,  etc.  Phila., 
1875.— Fr.  Lib.,  Park  Place,  Baltimore. 

Child,  Lydia  Maria,  Isaac  T.  Hopper:  A  True  Life.  Boston, 
Cleveland,  London,  1853. — Hopper  was  a  Friend  with  strong 
anti-slavery  sympathies. — H.  S.  P. 

Circular.  To  the  members  and  friends  of  the  "  Pennsylvania 
Society  for  promoting  the  abolition  of  Slavery."  Phila.,  1837. — 
H.  S.  P. 

To  the  Clergy  of  Pennsylvania. — No  date.  Broadside  circu 
lated  by  the  Col.  Soc.  of  Pa.— In  Miscellaneous  Coll.,  Box  10, 
Negroes.— H.  S.  P. 

Collections  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  Phila. 
1853- 

The  Colonisation  Herald  and  General  Register,  m.  Mar. 
i848-Dec.  1856.— Conducted  by  the  Pa.  Col.  Soc.  Phila.— R.  B. 

[Colton,  Calvin],  Abolition  A  Sedition.  By  a  Northern  Man. 
Phila.,  1839.— H.  S.  P. 

Condie,  Thomas,  and  Folwell,  Richard,  History  of  the  Pesti 
lence,  Commonly  Called  Yellow  Fever,  which  Almost  Desolated 
Philadelphia,  in  .  .  .  1798.  Phila.— R.  B. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  275 

On  the  Condition  of  the  Free  People  of  Color  in  the  United 
States.  New  York.  1839. — Anti-Slavery  Examiner  No.  13. 
Discrimination  against  negroes. — R.  B. 

Constitution,  By-Laws,  and  List  of  Officers  of  the  Young 
Men's  Anti-Slavery  Society  of  the  City  and  County  of  Phila 
delphia.  Instituted  April,  1835.  Phila.,  1835.— Inserted  in  MS. 
Rec.  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.,  X,  237 H.  S.  P. 

Constitution  of  the  American  Society  of  Free  Persons  of 
Colour,  etc.  Phila.,  1831.— Beginnings  of  negro  organization.— 
R.  B. 

The  Constitution  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.  Phila.,  1788. — The  most  important 
abol.  soc.  in  the  U.  S.— H.  S.  P. 

Constitution  of  the  Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery  Society.  In 
stituted  .  .  .  1834. — The  beginnings  of  anti-si,  in  Pa. — H.  S.  P. 

Cranz,  David,  The  Ancient  and  Modern  History  of  the 
Brethren  .  .  .  Unitas  Fratrum.  Tr.  by  Benjamin  Latrobe.  Lon 
don,  1780. — Moravians  and  negroes. — R.  B. 

Crawford,  Charles,  Observations  upon  Negro-Slavery,  etc. 
Phila.,  1784. — Early  abol.  tract.  Contains  terrible  picture  show 
ing  negroes  crowded  between  decks  of  slave-ship. — H.  S.  P. 

Crevecceur,  J.  Hector  St.  John,  A  Farmer  in  Pennsylvania: 
Letters  from  an  American  Farmer;  Describing  Certain  Provin 
cial  Situations,  Manners,  and  Customs,  not  Generally  Known, 
etc.  London,  1783. — Mildness  of  slavery  in  Pa. — P.  L. 

Darlington,  William,  Memorials  of  John  Bartram  and  Hum 
phrey  Marshall,  etc.  Phila.,  1849.— Early  abols.— R.  B. 

Davies,  Benjamin,  Some  Account  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
etc.  Phila.,  1794. — R.  B.  (Loganian.) 

Desilver's  Philadelphia  Directory  and  Stranger's  Guide,  for 
1828,  etc.  Phila.,  1828.— H.  S.  P. 

Delany,  Martin  R.,  The  Condition,  Elevation,  Emigration, 
and  Destiny  of  the  Colored  People  of  the  United  States,  Po 
litically  Considered.  Phila.,  1852.— Careful  statement H.  S.  P. 

Denny,  John  R,  An  Essay  on  the  Political  Grade  of  the  Free 
Coloured  Population  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania.  Chambersburg, 
Pa.,  1836. — Excellent  and  learned  argument  by  one  who  denies 
the  right  of  the  negro  to  full  citizenship. — H.  S.  P. 

Douglass,  William,  A  Summary,  Historical  and  Political,  .  .  . 


276  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

of  the  British  Settlements  in  North- America,  etc.  2  vols., 
Boston,  1749. — R.  B. 

The  Duty  of  Pennsylvania  Concerning  Slavery.  Phila.,  1840. 
— Pub.  at  the  Anti-Slavery  Office.  Advocates  decisive  meas 
ures.— H.  S.  P. 

Ebeling,  Christoph  Daniel,  Erdbeschreibung  und  Geschichte 
von  Amerika,  etc.  Hamburg,  1797. — In  A.  F.  Biisching's  Erd 
beschreibung,  etc.  Not  a  source,  but  based  upon  sources  some 
of  which  are  apparently  inaccessible  now.  A  wonderful  book 
for  its  time.  Contains  full  bibliographies. — R.  B. 

An  Epistle  from  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends,  Held  in 
Philadelphia  .  .  .  1832  .  .  .  to  the  People  of  Colour  Residing  in 
Pennsylvania,  etc.  Phila.,  1832. — Good  advice  to  free  negroes. — 
Fr.  Hist.  Lib.,  Swarthmore,  Pa. 

An  Epistle  of  Caution  and  Advice,  Concerning  the  Buying 
and  Keeping  of  Slaves.  Phila.,  1754. — Early  Quaker  abolition 
ism.— H.  S.  P. 

Falkner,  Daniel  ("Biirgern  und  Pilgrim  allda"),  Curieuse 
Nachricht  von  Pennsylvania  in  Norden-America,  etc.  Frank 
fort  and  Leipzig,  1702.  Ed.  by  J.  Sachse,  Phila.,  1905.— Early 
economic  information  about  Pa. — R.  B. 

Fox,  The  Hon.  John,  Opinion  of, .  .  .  against  the  Exercise  of 
Negro  Suffrage  in  Pennsylvania,  etc.  Harrisburg,  1838. — A 
document  that  was  effectively  circulated  in  Pa. — H.  S.  P. 

To  the  Free  Africans  and  other  free  People  of  Color  in  the 
United  States.  Phila.,  1796. — Broadside.  Good  advice. — H. 
S.  P. 

To  the  Free  People  of  Colour  in  the  United  States.  Phila., 
1829. — Pub.  by  the  Amer.  Convention  Abol.  SI.  Good  advice. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Free  Remarks  on  the  Spirit  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  the 
Practice  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  the  Obligations  of  the 
Union  Respecting  the  Exclusion  of  Slavery  from  the  Territories 
and  New  States,  etc.  By  a  Philadelphian.  Phila.,  1819. — Urges 
exclusion.— H.  S.  P. 

The  Friend.  A  Religious  and  Literary  Journal.  1828-  present 
time.  Phila. — Contains  many  historical  and  biographical  pieces 
of  value. — 77  vols.  in  R.  B. 

The  Friends'  Library:  Comprising  Journals,  Doctrinal  Trea 
tises,  and  Other  Writings  of  Members  of  the  Religious  Society 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  277 

of  Friends.  Ed.  by  W.  and  T.  Evans.  14  vols.  Phila.,  1837- 
1850. — Reprints  many  diaries. — H.  S.  P. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  Its  Victims.  New  York,  1861. — 
No.  15  of  Anti-Slavery  Tracts.  New  Series.  Pub.  by  Amer. 
Anti-Si.  Soc.  Contains  long  list  of  negroes  reclaimed  and  kid 
napped.  Probably  exaggerated. — H.  S.  P. 

Furness,  W.  H.,  An  Address  Delivered  before  a  Meeting  of 
the  Members  and  Friends  of  the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery 
Society  during  the  Annual  Pair,  Dec.  19,  1849.  Phila.,  1850. — 
Progress  of  anti-slavery. — H.  S.  P. 

Furness,  W.  H.,  The  Blessings  of  Abolition.  A  Discourse 
Delivered  in  the  First  Congregational  Unitarian  Church,  Sun 
day,  July  i,  1860.  Phila.,  1860.— H.  S.  P. 

Furness,  W.  H.,  Christian  Duty.  Three  Discourses  Delivered 
in  the  First  Congregational  Unitarian  Church  of  Philadelphia. 
Phila.,  1854.— L.  C.  P. 

Furness,  W.  H.,  Two  Discourses  Occasioned  by  the  Ap 
proaching  Anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  etc., 
Phila.,  1843. — Contrasts  the  spirit  of  freedom  with  the  exis 
tence  of  slavery. — H.  S.  P. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  An  Address  Delivered  before  the 
Free  People  of  Color,  in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  etc.  Boston. 
1831. — Over-zealous  advice R.  B. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  Thoughts  on  African  Colonization: 
or  an  Impartial  Exhibition  of  the  Doctrines,  Principles  and 
Purposes  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  etc.  Boston, 
1832. — Bitterly  denounces  colonization. — H.  S.  P. 

Hanway,  Castner,  A  History  of  the  Trial  of  .  .  .  for  Treason 
at  Philadelphia .  . .  1851,  etc.  Phila.,  1852. — Notices  famous  legal 
questions  which  arose  under  the  law  of  1847  relative  to  kid 
napping  and  fugitive  slaves. — L.  C.  P. 

Hazard,  Samuel,  Annals  of  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  1609-1682. 
Phila.,  1850. — Contains  many  indispensable  documents.  Hazard 
was  probably  the  ablest  of  the  early  archivists  of  Pa. 

Hazard's  Register  of  Pennsylvania.  Ed.  by  Samuel  Hazard. 
16  vols.  Phila.,  1828-1835.— The  Niles's  Register  of  Pa.  One 
feels  a  distinct  loss  when  the  Register  comes  to  an  end. 

Heckewelder,  John,  A  Narrative  of  the  Mission  of  the  United 
Brethren  among  the  Delaware  and  Mohegan  Indians,  from  Its 
Commencement,  in  the  Year  1740,  to  the  Close  of  the  Year  1808. 


278  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

etc.  Phila.,  1820.— Notices  Whitefield's  proposed  school  for 
negroes. — Pea. 

[Richard  Hild'reth],  The  Slave;  or  Memoirs  of  Archy  Moore, 
6th  ed.  2  vols.  in  one.  Boston,  1846. —  Declared  that  he  passed 
through  Pa.  as  a  fugitive. — H.  S.  P. 

History  of  Pennsylvania  Hall,  Which  Was  Destroyed  by  a 
Mob,  etc.  Phila.,  1838.— Gives  the  anti-si,  side.— R.  B. 

History  of  the  Associations  of  Friends  for  the  Free  In 
struction  of  Adult  Colored  Persons  in  Philadelphia.  Phila., 
1890.— From  the  sources.  Pub.  by  direction  of  the  Association. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Hooker,  Herman  (publisher),  Colonization  and  Abolition 
Contrasted.  Phila.,  (no  date.)— R.  B. 

A  Humble  Attempt  at  scurrility,  etc.  By  Jack  Retorts  Student 
in  Scurrility.  Quilsylvania.  Printed  1765.— Accuses  Benjamin 
Franklin  of  having  a  negro  mistress. — R.  B. 

Hunt,  Benjamin,  Diary  of,  1799- 1812.— Reprinted  from  the 
Daily  Local  News  for  the  Chester  Co.  Hist.  Soc.,  1898.  In 
Bulletins  of  the  Chester  Co.  Hist.  Soc.,  1898.  Local  notices  of 
negroes. — H.  S.  P. 

An  Impartial  Appeal  to  the  Reason,  Interest  and  Patriotism, 
of  the  People  of  Illinois,  on  the  Injurious  Effects  of  Slave 
Labour.  1824. — Abolitionist  propaganda. — H.  S.  P. 

An  Inquiry  into  the  Condition  and  Prospects  of  the  African 
Race  in  the  United  States,  etc.  .  .  .  by  an  American.  Phila., 
1839.— R.  B. 

Jackson,  William,  of  Chester  Co.,  Pennsylvania,  Views  of 
Slavery  in  Its  Effects  on  the  Wealth,  Population,  and  Character 
of  Nations.  Phila.,  1838.— Denies  right  of  Congress  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  D.  C— H.  S.  P. 

Jay,  William,  An  Inquiry  into  the  Character  and  Tendency 
of  the  American  Colonisation,  and  American  Anti-Slavery  So 
cieties.  2d  ed.  New  York,  1835.— H.  S.  P. 

Jones,  Absalom,  Rector,  A  Thanksgiving  Sermon,  Preached 
by,  Jan.  I,  1808,  in  .  .  .  the  African  Episcopal  Church,  Philadel 
phia.  Phila.,  1808. — A  noted  negro  preacher  of  Phila. — R.  B. 

J[ones],  A.,  and  A  [lien],  R.,  A  Narrative  of  the  Proceedings 
of  the  Black  People,  during  the  Late  Awful  Calamity  in  Phila 
delphia,  in  the  Year  1793:  and  a  Refutation  of  some  Censures 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  279 

Thrown  upon  them  in  some  late  Publications.    Phila.,  1794. — 
Defends  conduct  of  negroes  during  pestilence. — S.  H.  P. 

Journals,  Legislative. — Pennsylvania. 

Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  1682-1776.  Phila.,  1752-177.6. — 
R.  B. 

Journals  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania.  1776-1781.  Phila.,  1782 R.  B. 

Minutes  of  the  .  .  .  General  Assembly,  etc.  1781-1790.  Phila. — 
Apparently  only  existing  copy  in  the  H.  S.  P. 

Journals  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Pennsylvania. 
1790-1861.  Phila.,  Lancaster,  Harrisburg.— L.  C  P. 

Journals  of  the  Senate  of  Pennsylvania.  1790-1861.  Phila., 
Lancaster,  Harrisburg. — L.  C.  P. 

These  volumes  are  a  store-house  of  information.  Prior  to 
1800  they  contain  comparatively  little  about  negroes 
or  slavery,  but  after  that  time,  as  the  black  population 
increased,  and  as  abolitionism  and  anti-slavery  became 
strong  forces,  much  more  attention  was  given  to  ne 
groes,  until  in  the  later  years  no  small  part  of  the  pro 
ceedings  was  taken  up  in  discussing  them.  The 
Journals  never  give  debates  in  full,  but  they  furnish  a 
summary  of  all  business,  the  history  of  all  bills,  and 
note  all  petitions  received.  Accordingly  from  the  ap 
parently  meagre  record  it  was  possible  to  study  the 
growth  of  race  prejudice,  the  ebb  and  flow  of  abolition 
ism,  and  the  attempts  to  pass  discriminatory  laws.  In 
the  later  years  additional  light  is  thrown  upon  the  sub 
ject  by  the  extra  volumes,  which  frequently  print 
committee  reports  in  full.  After  the  laws,  and  the  court 
decisions,  the  legislative  journals  proved  to  be  the  most 
important  source  used  in  the  preparation  of  this  work. 

Keimer,  S.,  Ways  and  Means  for  the  Inhabitants  of  Delaware 
to  become  Rich,  etc.  Phila.,  1725.— Suggests  negroes  for  agri 
cultural  work R.  B.  (Loganian.) 

Kenworthy,  Jesse,  Thoughts  on  Slavery.  Washington,  Pa. 
1851.— Fr.  Lib.,  Park  Place,  Balto. 

Langston,  J.  M.,  The  Great  Oration  . . .  upon  the  Life  and  Ser- 


280  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

vices  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Richard  Allen,  Founder  and  First  Bishop 
of  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  Phila.,  1877. — 
Beginnings  of  negro  church  organization  in  Pa. — H.  S.  P. 

Laivs  of  Pennsylvania. 

Laws  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, .  . .  1682-1700,  preceded 
by  the  Duke  of  York's  Laws  .  .  .  1676-1682,  etc.  Harrisburg, 
1879. — Pub.  under  direction  of  J.  B.  Linn.  Contains  "  laws  "  in 
effect  before  Penn's  coming.  Moreover,  until  the  first  volume  of 
the  Statutes  at  Large  is  allowed  to  appear,  it  affords  the  only 
printed  collection  of  the  laws  of  Pa.  from  1682  to  1700. 

Laws  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania.  1700-1801.  Re- 
published  under  the  Authority  of  the  Legislature  by  Alexander 
James  Dallas.  4  vols.  Phila.,  1797-1801.— P.  L.  L. 

The  Statutes  at  Large  of  Pennsylvania  from  1682  to  1801, 
compiled  by  James  T.  Mitchell  and  Henry  Flanders,  Commis 
sioners,  ii  vols.  (vols.  II-XII,  1700-1787,  published),  1896- 
1906. — By  far  the  best  edition  of  the  laws  of  Pa.  for  the  period 
covered.  Full  historical  appendices.  Subsequent  history  of 
every  statute  appended  to  the  text  of  the  statute.  The  volumes 
are  admirably  indexed. 

Acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Penn 
sylvania,  etc.,  1801-1826.  Lancaster,  Octoraro,  Phila.,  Harris- 
burg,  1802-1826.— L.  C.  P. 

Laws  of  the  General  Assembly  of  .  .  .  Pennsylvania,  1826-1861. 
Harr.,  1827-1861.— L.  C.  P. 

Laws  of  the  Emlen  Institution.  Germantown,  Pa.,  1843. — 
Established  for  negroes. — H.  S.  P. 

Lay,  Benjamin,  All  Slave-Keepers  That  Keep  the  Innocent 
in  Bondage,  Apostates,  etc.  Phila.,  pr.  for  the  Author,  1737. — 
A  fierce,  uncompromising  abolitionist.  His  views  to  be  taken 
with  caution. — H.  S.  P. 

Legislative  Documents.  (Pa.)  1854-1860. — Reports,  etc. — L. 
C.  P. 

Lewis,  Evan,  Address  to  the  Coloured  People  of  Philadel 
phia.  Delivered  at  Bethel  Church  .  .  .  1833.  Phila.,  1833.— 
H.  S.  P. 

Liberty-Catalogue  of  A.  S.  Works  .  .  .  1830. — Contains  ex 
tracts  from  anti-si,  writers.  Illustrated.— H.  S.  P. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  281 

The  Little  Western  against  the  Great  Eastern  .  .  .  Being  a  Re 
view  by  a  Plebeian  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  of  Abolitionism 
as  Exposed  by  Doctor  Sleigh.  Phila.,  1838.— Abolitionist  con 
troversy. — H.  S.  P. 

Lloyd,  Elizabeth,  Jr.,  An  Appeal  for  the  Bondwoman,  To  Her 
Own  Sex.  Phila.,  1846.— Anti-si,  poem.— H.  S.  P. 

McLanahan,  J.  X.,  of  Pennsylvania,  Speech  of,  on  the  Slave 
Question.  Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Feb.  19, 
1850.  Washington,  1850.— P.  L.  L. 

Mease,  James,  The  Picture  of  Philadelphia,  etc.  Phila.,  1811. 
— Notices  negroes. — R.  B. 

Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  14  vols. 
Phila.,  1826-1895. — Contains  journals,  letters,  and  excellent 
monographs. 

Memorial  of  the  Free  Citizens  of  Color  in  Pittsburg  and  Its 
Vicinity,  Relative  to  the  Right  of  Suffrage.  Read  in  Convention 
July  8, 1837.  Harrisburg,  1837. — Negroes  asked  to  be  allowed  to 
vote.  Aroused  heated  controversy. — H.  S.  P. 

Memorial  of  Thirty  Thousand  Disfranchised  Citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  to  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  Phila.,  1855.— Ask  recognition  of  their  rights.— H. 
S.  P. 

[Memorial  to  the  House  and  Senate  of  Pa.  by  colored  people 
of  Phila.  and  vicinity,  protesting  against  repeal  of  act  of  1826. 
About  1844.]— TW*  99,  vol.  27 H.  S.  P. 

Mr.  Miner  of  Pennsylvania,  Speech  of,  Delivered  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  .  .  .  1829,  on\  the  Subject  of  Slavery 
and  the  Slave  Trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  etc.  Washing 
ton,  1829.— Attitude  of  Pa.— H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  and  Proceedings  of  the  First  Annual  Convention 
of  the  People  of  Colour  .  .  .  Philadelphia  .  .  .  1831.  Phila.,  1831. 
— R.  B. 

Minutes  and  Proceedings  of  the  Second  Annual  Conven 
tion,  for  the  Improvement  of  the  Free  People  of  Color  in 
These  United  States,  etc.  Phila.,  1832.— This  and  the  pre 
ceding  illustrate  negro  organization. — H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  Philadel 
phia.  1704-1776.  Printed  by  order  of  the  Select  and  Common 
Councils  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia.,  Phila.,  1847. — Turbu 
lence  and  disorder  of  negroes  in  early  times. — R.  B. 


282  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Minutes  of  the  Proceedings  of  Conventions  of  Delegates 
from  the  Abolition  Societies  Established  in  Different  Parts 
of  the  United  States.  1794-1803.  Phila.,  1794-1803. 

Minutes  of  the  Proceedings  of  American  Conventions  for 
promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  and  Improving  the  Con 
dition  of  the  African  Race.  1804-1817.  Phila.,  1804-1817. 

Minutes  of  American  Conventions  for  promoting  the  Abo 
lition  of  Slavery,  and  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Af 
rican  Race.  1818-1837.  Phila.,  etc.,  1818-1839. 

These  minutes  are  a  storehouse  of  information  about 
free  negroes,  slavery,  and  abolition.  A  great  deal 
of  the  matter  is  contained  in  the  MS.  Rec.  of  the 
Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.— H.  S.  P. 

Minutes  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  Appointed  .  .  . 
1703  .  .  .  to  Alleviate  .  .  .  the  Malignant  Fever,  etc.  Phila.,  1794. 
— R.  B. 

Minutes  of  the  Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  from 
the  Organization  to  the  Termination  of  the  Proprietary 
Government.  Pub.  by  the  State.  10  vols.  Harrisburg,  1851- 
1852. — "  Colonial  Records."  Executive  documents  for  the 
period  covered,  1682-1776. 

Minutes  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania, 
from  Its  Organisation  to  the  Termination  of  the  Revolution. 
Pub.  by  the  State.  5  vols.  Harrisburg,  1852-1853. — "  Colonial 
Records."  Executive  documents.  1776-1789. — N.  B.  The  paging 
of  the  1838  edition  is  different  from  that  in  the  edition  cited. 

Minutes  of  the  State  Convention  of  the  Coloured  Citizens 
of  Pennsylvania,  Convened  at  Harrisburg,  etc.  Phila.,  1849. — 
For  negro  organization. — H.  S.  P. 

A  Mite  cast  into  the  Treasury:  or,  Observations  on  Slave- 
Keeping,  etc.  Phila.,  1792. — Early  abol.  tract.— R.  B. 

Mittelberger,  Gottlieb,  Journey  to  Pennsylvania  in  the  Year 
1750,  etc.  Stuttgart,  1756.  Tr.  by  Carl  T.  Eben,  1898.— Careful 
account  by  a  German  traveller. 

More,  Doctor  Nicholas,  A  letter  from,  with  Passages  out  of 
several  Letters  from  Persons  of  Good  Credit,  Relating  to  the 
State  and  Improvement  of  the  Province  of  Pennsilvania.  Pub 
lished  to  prevent  false  Reports.  Printed  in  the  Year  1687. — 
Original  in  John  Carter  Brown  Library,  Providence.  Reprinted 
also  in  Pa,  Mag.,  IV,  445.— P.  S.  L. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  283 

Morse,  Jedediah,  The  American  Gazeteer,  etc.  Boston,  1797. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Morse,  Jedediah,  The  American  Geography  or  a  View  of  the 
Present  Situation  of  the  United  States  of  America,  etc.  New 
ed.,  London,  1794. — Negroes  and  negro  church  in  Phila. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Narrative  of  Facts  in  the  Case  of  Passmore  Williamson. 
Phila.,  1855.— Famous  fugitive  slave  case.— H.  S.  P. 

Needles,  Edward,  Ten  Years'  Progress:  or  a  Comparison 
of  the  State  and  Condition  of  the  Colored  People  in  the  City 
and  County  of  Philadelphia  from  1837  to  1847.  Phila.,  1849.— 
Based  on  the  best  statistics  available. — H.  S.  P. 

Niles,  Nathaniel,  and  Russ,  John  D.,  Medical  Statistics;  or  a 
Comparative  View  of  the  Mortality  in  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Baltimore,  and  Boston  for  a  Series  of  Years,  etc.  New  York, 
1827. — Comparative  mortality  of  negroes  and  white  people. — 
R.B. 

Nourse,  Rev.  James,  Views  on  Colonisation.  Phila.,  1837. — 
L.  C.  P. 

Objects  and  Regulations  of  the  Institute  for  Colored  Youth, 
etc.  Phila.,  1860.— R.  B. 

Observations  on  the  Inslaving,  importing  and  purchasing  of 
Negroes,  etc.  2d  ed.  Pr.  by  Christopher  Sower,  Germantown, 
1760 L.  C. 

O'Callaghan,  E.  B.  (ed.),  Documents  relative  to  the  Colonial 
History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  etc.  Albany,  1855.— Su 
perb  collection.  Contains  references  to  negroes  in  Pa. 

O'Callaghan,  E.  B.  (ed.),  Voyages  of  the  Slavers  St.  John 
and  Arms  of  Amsterdam,  1659,  1663;  together  with  Additional 
Papers  Illustrative  of  the  Slave  Trade  under  the  Dutch.  Albany, 
1867. — Documents  illustrative  of  legal  slavery  among  the  Dutch. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Ogden,  John  C.,  An  Excursion  into  Bethlehem  and  Nazareth 
in  Pennsylvania,  in  the  Year  1799,  etc.  Phila.,  1805. — Work  of 
Moravians  for  negroes. — R.  B. 

Parrish,  Isaac,  Brief  Memoirs  of  Thomas  Shipley  and  Edwin 
P.  Atlee,  Read  before  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.  Phila.,  1838. — Active  abolitionists. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Parrish,  John,  Remarks  on  the  Slavery  of  the  Black  People; 


284  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Addressed  to  the  Citizens  of  the  United  States,  etc.    Phila., 
1806.— Abol.  tract.— R.  B. 

Parsons,  J.  C.  (ed.),  Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Jacob 
Hiltzheimer,  of  Philadelphia,  1765-1798.  Phila.,  1893.— Refers  to 
abolition  law  of  1788.— H.  S.  P. 

Passmore  Williamson  v.  John  K.  Kane.  Argument  for  the. 
Defendant.  Legal  discussion  of  some  laws  of  Pa.  in  connection 
with  the  Federal  Fugitive  Slave  Law. — H.  S.  P. 

Patton,  Rev.  William  W.,  Thoughts  for  Christians  Suggested 
by  the  Case  of  Passmore  Williamson,  etc.  Hartford,  1855. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Pennsylvania  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  etc.  Corres 
pondence  between  the  Hon.  John  Letcher,  Gov.  of  Va.,  and 
Lewis  D.  Vail,  Esq.,  of  Phila.,  etc.  Phila.,  [1860.]— H.  S.  P. 

Pennsylvania  Archives.  Selected  and  Arranged  from  Original 
Documents  in  the  Office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth, 
etc.  Ed.  by  Samuel  Hazard.  First  Series.  12  vols.  Phila.,  1852- 
1856. — Misc.  colonial  docs. 

Pa.  Arch.  Second  Series.  Ed.  by  J.  B.  Linn  and  W.  H.  Egle. 
19  vols.  Harr.,  1878-1896. — Misc.  papers — war,  navy,  colonial. 

Pa,  Arch.  Third  Series.  Ed.  by  W.  H.  Egle.  30  vols.  Har- 
risburg,  1894-1899. — Misc.  papers, — Board  of  Property, — tax- 
lists,  etc. 

Pa.  Arch.  Fourth  Series.  Ed.  by  George  E.  Reed,  12  vols. 
Harrisburg,  1900-1902. — Messages  of  the  governors,  etc. 

Pa.  Arch.  Fifth  Series.  Ed.  by  Thomas  L.  Montgomery.  8 
vols.  Harrisburg,  1906. — Muster-rolls. 

Pa,  Arch.  Sixth  Series.  Ed.  by  Thomas  L.  Montgomery. 
15  vols.  Harrisburg,  1906-1907. — Muster-rolls,  forfeited  estates, 
etc. 

The  Pa.  Arch,  contain  an  immense  amount  of  information 
bearing  upon  the  history  of  Pa.  The  different  series 
are  of  very  unequal  merit,  both  in  choice  of  material 
and  in  the  manner  of  handling  it.  Perhaps  the  most 
valuable  is  the  first  series,  which  was  prepared  by 
Hazard. 

The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography. 
Phila.,  1877-1911. — Indispensable  to  any  student  of  Pa.  history. 
Contains  numerous  monographs,  reprints,  statistical  tables,  etc. 
Also  prints  very  many  letters,  statements,  inventories,  etc.,  etc., 
of  the  character  of  rare  original  material. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  285 

Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
etc.,  Five  Years'  Abstract  of  Transactions  of  the.  Phila.,  1853. 
— H.  S.  P. 

Personal  Slavery  Established,  by  the  Suffrages  of  Custom 
and  Right  Reason,  etc.  Phila.,  1773.— Defends  slavery.— R.  B. 

Peterson,  Henry,  Address  on  American  Slavery,  Delivered 
before  the  Semi-Annual  Meeting  of  the  Junior  Anti-Slavery 
Society  of  Philadelphia,  July  4th,  1838.  Phila.,  1838.— H.  S.  P. 

Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery  Society,  First  Annual  Report  of 
the  Board  of  Managers  of  the,  Read  and  Accepted  at  the  An 
nual  Meeting  of  the  Society,  July  4th,  1835.  Phila.,  1835. — H. 
S.  P. 

Pickard,  Kate  E.  R.,  The  Kidnapped  and  the  Ransomed.  Be 
ing  the  Personal  Recollections  of  Peter  Still  and  His  Wife 
"  Vina"  etc.  Syracuse,  1856. —  Peter  Still  became  prominent 
among  the  negroes  of  Phila. — R.  B. 

A  Poetical  Epistle  to  the  Enslaved  Africans,  in  the  Character 
of  an  Ancient  Negro,  Born  a  Slave  in  Pennsylvania,  etc.  Phila., 
!79O. — The  footnotes  contain  matter  of  some  slight  value. — 
H.  S.  P. 

The  Present  State  and  Condition  of  the  Free  People  of  Color, 
of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  etc.  Phila.,  1838.— Based  on  infor 
mation  and  statistics  collected  by  agents  of  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol. 
SI.  Contains  more  information  of  value  on  social  and  economic 
status  of  the  negro  in  Phila.  than  any  other  contemporary  writ 
ing.— H.  S.  P. 

Proceedings  and  Debates  of  the  Convention  of  the  Common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania,  to  Propose  Amendments  to  the  Con 
stitution,  Commenced  and  Held  at  Harrisburg,  on  the  Second 
Day  of  May,  1838.  Reported  by  John  Agg,  etc.  14  vols.  Har 
risburg,  1837-1839. — Indispensable  for  study  of  the  question  of 
negro  suffrage. — R.  B. 

Proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania  Convention  Assembled  to 
Organize  a  State  Anti-Slavery  Society,  at  Harrisburg,  .  .  .  1837. 
Phila.,  1837. — The  beginnings  of  the  anti-si,  movement  in  Pa. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania  Yearly  Meetings  of  Pro 
gressive  Friends,  From  the  Organization  1853  to  1869.  Nos.  I 
to  XVII.  New  York,  1853-1869.— The  anti-si.  Friends.— The 
only  copies  of  the  above,  apparently,  are  in  the  Lib.  of  the  Uni- 


286  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

versity  of  Pa.,  Phila.  Some  later  numbers  in  possession  of  the 
author. 

Proceedings  of  the  State  Convention  of  the  Colored  Free 
men  of  Pennsylvania  Held  in  Pittsburg  for  the  Purpose  of 
Considering  Their  Condition  and  the  Means  of  Its  Improve 
ment.  Pittsburg,  1841. — Reveals  growing  consciousness  of 
solidarity  among  negroes. — H.  S.  P. 

Proceedings  of  the  Third  Anti-Slavery  Convention  of  Amer 
ican  Women  Held  in  Philadelphia,  1839.  Phila.,  1839 — Illus 
trates  important  part  taken  by  women  in  this  movement. — H. 
S.  P. 

Randall,  Robert  E.,  of  Philadelphia,  Speech  of,  on  the  Laws  of 
the  State  Relative  to  Fugitive  Slaves,  Delivered  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  Pennsylvania,  January  16, 1861.  Hamilton, 
Printer. — Asserts  Pa's,  legislation  on  fugitive  slave  question  to 
be  unwise  and  unjust  to  the  South. — P.  L.  L. 

Reflections  on  Slavery;  with  Recent  Evidence  of  its  Inhu 
manity,  etc.  By  Humanitas.  Phila.,  1803. — R.  B. 

Register  of  the  Trades  of  the  Colored  People  in  the  City  of 
Philadelphia  and  Districts.  Phila.,  1838.— Valuable.  Compiled 
by  the  Pa.  Soc.  Abol.  SI.— H.  S.  P. 

Reise  von  Hamburg  nach  Philadelphia.  Hannover,  1800. — 
Notices  slave-trade  at  Phila.— H.  S.  P. 

Remarks  on  Hayti  as  a  Place  of  Settlement  for  Afric-Amer- 
icans;  and  on  the  Mulatto  as  a  Race  for  the  Tropics.  Phila., 
1860.— H.  S.  P. 

Remarks  on  the  African  Slave  Trade Contains  picture  of 

"  Plan  of  an  African  Ship's  lower  Deck,  with  Negroes,  in  the 
proportion  of  not  one  to  a  Ton."  Extracted  from  the  American 
Museum,  for  May,  1789,  and  published  by  order  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Society  for  promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc. — 
H.  S.  P. 

Remarks  on  the  Life  and  Character  of  James  Forten.  Phila., 
1842. — Delivered  at  Bethel  Church  by  Robert  Purvis.  Eulogy 
of  one  of  Pa's,  best  negroes. — H.  S.  P. 

Remarks  on  the  Quaker  Unmasked;  or  Plain  Truth  found  to 
be  Plain  Falshood:  Humbly  address' d  to  the  Candid.  Phila., 
[1764.] — Controversial  pamphlet  favorable  to  Quakers,  adverse 
to  Presbyterians.— H.  S.  P. 

Remonstrance  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends  against 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  287 

Prohibiting  the  Immigration  of  Colored  People. — The  full  text 
of  one  of  the  numberless  petitions  in  behalf  of  the  negro  sent 
to  the  Legislature  by  Friends. —  (Uncatalogued.)  Fr.  Lib.,  142 
N.  i6th  Street,  Phila. 

Report.  Board  of  Managers  of  the  American  Moral  Reform 
Society.  1837.— H.  S.  P. 

Report  of  the  Committee  Appointed  for  the  Purpose  of  Se 
curing  to  Colored  People  in  Philadelphia  the  Right  to  the  Use 
of  the  Street-Cars.  Phila. — Shows  strong  prejudice  against 
negroes  in  Phila. — H.  S.  P. 

Report  of  the  Committee  Appointed  in  the  Senate  of  Penn 
sylvania  to  Investigate  the  Cause  of  an  Increased  Number  of 
Slaves,  etc.  Harrisburg,  1833. — Explains  apparent  increase  in 
number  of  slaves  between  1820  and  1830.— H.  S.  P. 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Comparative  Health,  Mor 
tality,  Length  of  Sentences,  etc.,  of  White  and  Colored  Con 
victs.  Phila.,  1849.— R.  B. 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  Relative  to  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  Rela 
tion  to  the  Colored  Population  of  This  Country.  Harrisburg, 
1839. — Pa's,  official  attitude  on  slavery  and  abolitionism. — H. 
S.  P. 

Report  of  the  House  of  Refuge  of  Philadelphia,  etc.,  Twenty- 
First  Annual.  Phila.,  1849.— R.  B. 

Reports.  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Association  of  Friends 
for  the  Free  Instruction  of  Adult  Colored  Persons.  Phila. — 
Work  of  Friends  for  education  of  the  negro. — H.  S.  P. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  American  Free  Produce  Association. 
Phila.— Boycotting  of  slave-products.— H.  S.  P. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Association  of  Friends  for  Promoting 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery  and  Improving  the  Condition  of  the 
Free  People  of  Color.  Phila.— Some,  R.  B. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Associa 
tion  of  Friends  for  the  Free  Instruction  of  Adult  Colored  Per 
sons.  Phila.,  1831-1860.— R.  B. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Home  for  Destitute  Colored  Children. 
Phila.,  1856-1860.— R.  B. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Philadelphia  Female  Anti-Slavery 
Society.  Phila. — Zealous  work  of  women. — L.  C.  P. 


288  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Reports  (Court}. 

The  reports,  mostly  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  state, 
are  indispensable  for  a  knowledge  of  the  status  of  the 
negro,  whether  free  or  slave.  They  give  luminous 
interpretations  of  the  laws,  frequently  discuss  the  his 
tory  of  the  events  which  led  to  their  passage,  and  some 
times  disclose  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  Some  of  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  lower  Federal  courts, 
have  to  do  with  the  fugitive  slave  question.  At  times 
decisions  in  the  courts  of  other  states  throw  light  upon 
similar  questions  in  Pennsylvania. 

Pennsylvania. 

Dallas,  A.  J.,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .  in  the  Courts  of  Pennsyl 
vania  before  and  since  the  Revolution.  4  vols.  Phila.,  1790- 
1807.  (1754-1806.) 

Addison,  Alexander,  Reports  of  Cases  in  the  County  Courts 
of  the  Fifth  Circuit,  and  in  the  High  Court  of  Errors  and 
Appeals  .  .  .  of  Pennsylvania,  etc.  Washington,  1800.  (1791- 
I799-) 

Yeates,  Hon.  Jasper,  Reports  of  Cases  Adjudged  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  Pennsylvania:  with  some  Select  Cases  at  Nisi 
Prius,  and  in  the  Circuit  Courts.  4  vols.  Phila.,  1817-1818. 
(1791-1808.) 

Binney,  Horace,  Reports  of  Cases  Adjudged  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Pennsylvania.  6  vols.  Phila.,  1878-1879.  (1799-1814.) 

Browne,  Peter  A.,  Reports  of  Cases  Adjudged  in  the  District 
Court  of  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia,  etc.  Phila.,  1813. 
(1806-1811.) 

Ashmead,  John  W.,  Reports  of  Cases  Adjudged  in  the  Courts 
of  Common  Pleas,  Quarter  Sessions,  Oyer  and  Terminer,  and 
Orphans'  Court  of  the  First  Judicial  District  of  Pennsylvania. 
2  vols.  Phila.,  1831,  1841.  (1808-1841.) 

Brightly,  Frederick,  Reports  of  Cases  .  . .  in  the  Court  of  Nisi 
Prius  at  Philadelphia  and  also  in  the  Supreme  Court,  etc.  Phila., 
1851.  (1809-1851.) 

Reports  of  Cases  Adjudged  in  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
of  the  First  Judicial  District  of  Pennsylvania.  Phila.,  1811. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  289 

Sergeant,  Thomas,  and  Rawle,  William,  Jr.,  Reports  of  Cases 
Adjudged  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  17  vols. 
Phila.,  1818-1829.  (1814-1828.) 

Grant,  Benjamin,  Reports  of  Cases  Argued  and  Adjudged  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  I-III.  Phila.,  1859-1864. 
(1814-1863.) 

Rawle,  William,  Jr.,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .  Supreme  Court  of 
Pennsylvania.  5  vols.  Phila.,  1869.  (1828-1835). 

Penrose,  Charles,  and  Watts,  Frederick,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  . 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  2d  ed.  3  vols.  Phila.,  1843. 
(1829-1832.) 

Watts,  Frederick,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .  Supreme  Court  of 
Pennsylvania.  Phila.,  1834-1841.  (1832-1840.) 

Wharton,  Thomas  L.,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .Supreme  Court  of 
Pennsylvania  in  the  Eastern  District.  Phila.,  1884.  (1835-1841.) 

Watts,  Frederick,  and  Sergeant,  Henry  J.,  Reports  of  Cases 
.  .  .  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  9  vols.  Phila.,  1824-1846. 
(1841-1844.) 

Parsons,  A.  V.,  Select  Cases  in  Equity  .  .  .  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  .  .  .  First  Judicial  District  of  Pennsylvania.  2d  ed.  2  vols. 
Phila.,  1888  (1841-1851.) 

Pennsylvania  Law  Journal  Reports,  Containing  Cases  De 
cided  by  the  Federal  and  State  Courts  of  Pennsylvania..  Rep. 
by  J.  A.  Clark.  I-IV.  Phila.,  1872-1873.  (1842-1852.) 

Vaux,  Richard,  Recorder  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  Reports 
of  Some  of  the  Cases  on  Primary  Hearing  before,  etc.  Phila., 
1846. 

Pennsylvania  State  Reports  Containing  Cases  .  .  .  Supreme 
Court. 

Barr,  Robert  M.  10  vols.  (1845-1849.) 

Jones,  J.  Pringle.  2  vols.  (1849.) 

Harris,  George  W.  12  vols.  (1849-1855.) 

Casey,  Joseph.    12  vols.  (1855-1860.) 

Wright,  Robert  E.  (1860-        .)  Phila.,  1846-1861. 

Wallace,  Henry  E.,  Philadelphia  Reports  (Legal  Intelli 
gencer  Condensed).  I-IV.  Phila.,  1871.  (1850-1861.) 

Pearson,  William,  Decisions  of  the  Hon.  John  J.  Pearson, 
Judge  of  the  Twelfth  Judicial  District.  2  vols.  Phila.,  1879- 
1880.  (1850-1880.) 


290  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Massachusetts. 

Tyng,  D.  A.,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .  in  the  Supreme  Judicial 
Court  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.  IV.  Newbury- 
port,  1809.  (1808.) 

Federal. 

Washington,  Bushrod,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .  Circuit  Court  of 
the  United  States  .  .  .  Third  Circuit,  etc.  Phila.,  1829.  (1820- 
1827.) 

Wallace,  John  W.,  Cases  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Third  District.  I-III.  Phila.,  1849-1871.  (1842- 
1862.) 

Peters,  Richard,  Reports  of  Cases  .  .  .  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  XVI.  Boston,  1842. 

Review  of  the  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Police  to  the 
Councils  of  Philadelphia  in  Relation  to  the  Destruction  of 
Pennsylvania  Hall  .  .  .  by  Charles  Hammond,  Esq.,  ed.  of  the 
Cincinnati  Daily  Gazette.  Phila.,  1838. — Fury  awakened  by  anti- 
slavery  agitation. — H.  S.  P. 

A  Review  of  the  Trial,  Conviction  and  Sentence,  of  George  F. 
Alberti,  for  Kidnapping.— H.  S.  P. 

Ruffner,  W.  H.,  Africa's  Redemption.  A  Discourse  .  .  . 
Preached  .  .  .  in  the  Seventh  Presbyterian  Church,  Philadelphia. 
Phila.,  1852.— The  pulpit  and  slavery.— H.  S.  P. 

[Rush,  Benjamin],  An  Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
British  Settlements  in  America  upon  Slave-Keeping,  etc.,  by 
a  Pennsylvanian.  2d  ed.  Phila.,  1773. — Early  abolition  senti 
ment.— H.  S.  P. 

[Rush,  Benjamin],  A  Vindication  of  the  Address,  etc.  Phila., 
I773--H.  S.  P. 

[Rush,  Benjamin],  Considerations  Upon  the  Present  Test- 
Law  of  Pennsylvania:  Addressed  to  the  Legislature  and  Free 
men  of  the  State.  2d  ed.  Phila.,  1785. — Notices  semi-citizenship 
of  free  negroes. — R.  B. 

Rush,  Benjamin,  An  Account  of  the  Manners  of  the  German 
Inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania,  etc.  1789.  Notes  added  by  I.  D. 
Rupp.  Phila.,  1875.— L.  C.  P. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush  of  Philadelphia 
to  Granville  Sharp.  London,  1792. — Origin  of  negro  church  in 
Phila.— H.  S.  P. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  291 

Rush,  Benjamin,  An  Account  of  the  Bilious  remitting  Yellow 
Fever,  As  It  Appeared  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  Year 
1793,  Phila.,  1794.— H.  S.  P. 

Sachse,  Julius  Friedrich,  Letters  Relating  to  the  Settlement  of 
Germantown  in  Pennsylvania  1683-1684.  From  the  Konnekcn 
Manuscript  in  the  Ministerial- Archiv  of  Lubeck.  Reproduced 
in  Facsimile.  Lubeck  and  Phila.,  1903. — Early  notice  of  negroes 
in  Pa P.  S.  L. 

Sandiford,  R[alph],  The  Mystery  of  Iniquity;  in  a  brief  Ex 
amination  of  the  Practice  of  the  Times,  etc.  Printed  for  the 
Author,  Anno  1730.  2d  ed.  with  additions. — Sandiford  was  one 
of  the  earliest  abolitionist  writers  in  Pa.  He  was  honest,  but 
eccentric  and  vehement. — H.  S.  P. 

Saunders,  Prince,  An  Address  Delivered  at  Bethel  Church, 
Philadelphia, . . .  Before  the  Pennsylvania  Augustine  Society  for 
the  Education  of  People  of  Colour,  etc.  Phila.,  1818.— H.  S.  P. 

Saunders,  Prince,  A  Memoir  Presented  to  the  American 
Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.  Phila., 
1818.— R.  B. 

A  Serious  Address  to  the  Rulers  of  America,  On  the  Incon 
sistency  of  their  Conduct  respecting  Slavery,  etc.  Trenton, 

1773-— R.  B. 

A  Sermon  Occasioned  by  the  Destruction  of  Pennsylvania 
Hall,  and  Delivered  .  .  .  in  the  First  Congregational  Unitarian 
Church,  by  the  Pastor,  etc.  Philadelphia.,  1838. — Mob  violence 
and  anti-slavery. — H.  S.  P. 

Seward,  William,  Journal  of  A  Voyage  from  Savannah  to 
Philadelphia  and  from  Philadelphia  to  England  MDCCXL. 
London,  1740. — Early  religious  work  among  the  negroes. — R.  B. 

Sharp,  Granville,  An  Essay  on  Slavery,  Proving  from  Scrip 
ture  its  Inconsistency  with  Humanity  and  Religion,  etc.  Bur 
lington,  1773. — By  an  eminent  English  abolitionist  who  corres 
ponded  with  the  abolition  leaders  in  Pa.  Remarks  on  manu 
mission  in  Pa. — R.  B. 

Sketches  of  the  Higher  Classes  of  Colored  Society  in  Phila 
delphia.  By  a  Southerner.  Phila.,  1841. — Interesting  and  tem 
perate.  Apparently  by  one  well  informed  and  impartial.  If 
this  work  can  be  fully  trusted,  it  contains  more  information 
as  to  the  social  status  of  the  negro  in  Phila.  than  any  other  book 
in  the  whole  period. — H.  S.  P. 


292  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Slavery  Clippings.    4  vols. — Newspaper  clippings. — H.  S.  P. 

Slavery  not  Forbidden  by  Scripture,  Or  A  Defence  of  the 
West  India  Planters,  From  the  Aspersions  Thrown  Out 
Against  Them,  By  the  Author  of  A  Pamphlet,  Entitled,  "An 
Address  to  the  Inhabitants,"  etc.,  by  a  West  Indian.  Phila., 
I773-— Early  anti-abolition  tract.— R.  B. 

Sleigh,  W.  W.,  Abolitionism  Exposed!  Proving  that  the 
Principles  of  Abolitionism  Are  Injurious  to  the  Slaves  Them* 
selves,  2d  ed.  Phila.,  1838.— R.  B. 

Smith,  Capt.  J.  S.,  A  Letter  from,  to  the  Rev*  Mr  Hill  on  the 
State  of  the  Negroe  Slaves.  To  which  are  added  An  Intro 
duction  and  Remarks  on  Free  Negroes,  etc.  By  the  Editor. 
London,  1786 — Occupation  and  conduct  of  the  freedmen  of  Pa. 
-R.  B. 

A  Statistical  Inquiry  into  the  Condition  of  the  People  of 
Colour  of  the  City  and  Districts  of  Philadelphia.  Phila.,  1849. — 
Made  under  direction  of  Friends.  Based  on  careful  investiga 
tions.— H.  S.  P. 

Statistics  of  the  Colored  People  of  Philadelphia  taken  by 
Benjamin  C.  Brown  and  published  by  order  of  the  Board  of 
Education  of  "  The  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,"  etc.  Phila.,  1856.— H.  S.  P. 

Sumner,  Charles,  Letter  of  Sympathy  to  Passmore  William 
son,  Aug.  n,  1855.— Uncatalogued.  H.  S.  P. 

Thomas,  Gabriel,  An  Historical  and  Geographical  Account 
of  the  Province  and  Country  of  Pensilvania  and  West-Neiv- 
Jersey  in  America,  etc.  London,  1698.  Lithographed  for  H.  A. 
Brady,  New  York,  1848. — Early  notice  of  negroes  in  Pa.  Pro 
test  of  Keithian  Quakers  against  slavery. — Pea. 

Thompson,  John,  The  Life  of,  A  Fugitive  Slave;  Containing 
His  History  of  25  Years  in  Bondage,  and  His  Providential 
Escape,  Written  by  Himself.  Worcester,  1856. — Fled  through 
Pa.— R.  B. 

Torrey,  Jesse,  Jr.,  A  Portraiture  of  Domestic  Slavery,  in  the 
United  States  .  .  .  including  Memoirs  of  Facts  .  .  .  on  Kid 
napping.  Phila.,  1817. — Of  value  if  used  cautiously. — R.  B. 

Tyson,  J.  R.,  A  Discourse  before  the  Young  Men's  Colonisa 
tion  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  etc.  Phila.,  1834. — H.  S.  P. 

Tyson,  J.  Washington,  The  Doctrines  of  the  ''Abolitionists'1 
Refuted,  in  a  Letter  from,  etc.  Phila.,  1840.— H.  S.  P. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  293 

The  Visions  of  A  Certain  Thomas  Say,  Of  the  City  of  Phila 
delphia,  Which  He  Saw  in  a  Trance,  etc.  Phila.,  1774. — R.  B. 

Was  ist  Aufhebung  der  Sclaverei  (Abolition}  ?  Heraus- 
gegeben  von  der  ostlichen  Abtheilung  der  pennsylvanischen 
Anti-Sdaverei-Gesellschaft. — To  enlist  support  of  Pennsyl 
vania's  German  population. — H.  S.  P. 

What  Has  Pennsylvania  To  Do  With  Slavery?— H.  S.  P. 

What  is  Sauce  for  a  Goose  is  also  Sauce  for  a  Gander  .  .  .  An 
Epitaph  on  a  certain  great  man.  Written  by  a  departed  spirit, 
etc.  Phila.,  1764. — Franklin  said  to  have  had  a  negro  paramour. 
— R.  B. 

Whitefield,  George,  Journal  of  a  Voyage  From  London  to 
Gibraltar  by,  etc.  6th  ed.,  Phila.,  1740. — Early  religious  work 
among  negroes. — R.  B. 

A  Continuation  Of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitcfield's  Journal 
From  A  few  Days  after  his  Arrival  at  Georgia,  To  His 
second  Return  thither  from  Pennsylvania.  Phila.,  1740. 
— R.  B. 

Three  Letters  from  the  Reverend  Mr.  G.  Whitefield:  etc. 
Phila.,  Printed  and  Sold  by  B.  Franklin,  etc., 
MDCCXL.— H.  S.  P. 

Why  Colored  People  in  Philadelphia  Are  Excluded  from  the 
Street  Cars.  Phila.,  1866. — Prejudice  against  negroes. — L.  C.  P. 

Williamson,  Passmore,  Case  of.  Report  of  the  Proceedings 
on  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  Issued  by  the  Hon.  John  K. 
Kane,  etc.  Phila.,  1856.— Fugitive  slaves.— H.  S.  P. 

Woolman,  John,  Some  Considerations  On  the  Keeping  of 
Negroes.  Recommended  to  the  Professors  of  Christianity  of 
every  Denomination,  etc.  Phila.,  1754. — H.  S.  P. 

Woolman,  John,  Considerations  on  Keeping  Negroes,  etc. 
Part  Second.  Phila.,  1762.— H.  S.  P. 

Woolman,  John,  The  Works  of.  In  two  Parts.  Phila., 
MDCCLXXIV.—L.  C 

A  Journal  of  the  Life,  Gospel  Labours,  and  Christian  Ex 
periences  of  That  Faithful  Minister  of  Jesus  Christ,  John 
Woolman,  etc.  Dublin,  1778.— Fr.  Hist.  Lib.,  Swarthmore,  Pa. 
Woolman  was  the  greatest  of  the  early  abolitionist  apostles. 
His  writings  reflect  his  gentle,  kindly,  but  vigorous  character. 
As  notable  for  their  style  as  their  content. 


294  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Yates,  William,  Rights  of  Colored  Men  to  Suffrage,  Citizen 
ship  and  Trial  by  Jury:  etc.  Phila.,  1838. — Careful  discussion. 
-H.  S.  P. 

IV. 

PICTURES. 

Pictures  relating  to  slavery  or  the  negro  in  Pennsylvania 
before  1800  are  rare.  Not  the  least  valuable  among  the  early 
ones  are  the  rude  wood-cuts  inserted  in  the  advertisements  for 
runaway  negroes  or  negroes  for  sale,  in  the  colonial  news 
papers.  Most  of  the  formal  illustrations  in  books  are  worthless. 

The  Election  A  Medley.  Humbly  Inscribed  to  Squire  Lillipnt 
Professor  of  Scurrillity. — Large  engraved  caricature  showing 
group  in  front  of  the  Court  House,  Phila.  A  negro  man  is  seen 
following  his  master.  There  are  two  negro  boys  and  a  negro 
woman.  The  picture  probably  affords  some  indication  of  how 
slaves  were  dressed.  About  1765. — H.  S.  P. 

Colored  prints  by  Charles  Hunt  and  I.  Harris. — Caricature 
extravagance  of  dress,  and  absurd  imitation  by  negroes  of  do 
ings  of  white  people.  Probably  about  1825. — Museum  of  In 
dependence  Hall,  Phila. 

Numerous  engravings,  paintings,  etc.,  of  anti-slavery  leaders, 
friends  of  the  negro,  etc. — "  Anti-Slavery  Repository  "  in  the 
Colored  Home,  44th  Street  and  Girard  Avenue,  Phila. 


INDEX. 


Abolition  of  slavery,  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  periods  in  the  history  of, 
64;  legislature  desired  to  effect 
in  (1778),  77;  bill  for,  recom 
mended  by  the  council,  77;  bill 
drafted  by  assembly,  77;  pro 
visions  of  bills  for,  78;  effected 
by  act  of  1780,  78;  effected  in 
Vermont  by  constitutional  pro 
vision  (1/77),  79  n. ;  by  legisla 
tion  in  Connecticut  (1784),  in 
Rhode  Island  (1784),  in  New 
York  (1799),  in  New  Jersey 
(1804),  80  n.;  by  court  interpre 
tation  of  the  constitution  in  Mas 
sachusetts  (1780),  in  New 
Hampshire  (1792),  80  n. ;  com 
plete,  for  Pennsylvania,  pro 
posed  in  legislature,  84;  in  Penn 
sylvania,  quiet,  normal,  and 
gradual,  89;  complete,  sought  by 
framers  of  act  of  1847,  238  n. 

Abolition  societies,  founding  of, 
208  n. 

Abolitionism,  contrasted  with  anti- 
slavery,  206-209;  meaning  of, 
208  n. ;  beginnings  of,  in  Penn 
sylvania  (1688-1780),  208-209 

Abolitionist  literature,  circulated 
in  South  by  Pennsylvania  Soci 
ety  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
215 

Abolitionist  memorials,  against 
slavery  and  slave  legislation,  215 

Abolitionists,  in  colonial  Pennsyl 
vania,  70-73,  209;  harass  slave 
holders,  81;  efforts  of,  to  pro 
cure  total  abolition  of  slavery 
in  Pennsylvania,  82,  84,  85;  in 
denture  negro  children  as  ap 
prentices,  1 06;  assist  free  ne 


groes,  210-211;  assist  fugitive 
slaves,  228;  obstruct  return  of 
fugitive  slaves,  234;  demand 
jury  trial  for  fugitives,  236 

Achenwall,  Gottfried,  cited,  9  n., 
36  n. 

Acrelius,  Israel,  on  good  treatment 
of  negroes  in  Pennsylvania,  38; 
on  negroes  at  iron-furnaces, 
40  n. 

Act  of  1780,  for  gradual  abolition 
of  slavery  in  Pennsylvania, 
makes  impossible  importation  of 
negro  slaves,  7  n. ;  passage  of, 
77,  78;  not  effective  in  stopping 
some  abuses,  80;  supplemented 
in  1788,  81;  permits  residents 
of  other  states  to  keep  slaves  in 
Pennsylvania  for  six  months,  86; 
Judge  Fox  declares  negroes  not 
admitted  to  suffrage  by,  173;  suf 
frage  thought  to  be  granted  to 
negroes  by,  177;  relation  of,  to 
negro  suffrage,  180;  minority 
protest  concerning,  183 

Act  of  1788,  provisions  of,  81; 
largely  secured  by  Pennsylvania 
Society  for  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery,  212 

Adams,  Alice  Dana,  work  of,  on 
anti-slavery,  207  n. 

Adultery,  between  white  people 
and  free  negroes,  punishment 
for,  113 

Advertisements,  of  cargoes  of  serv 
ants  and  slaves,  5;  of  negress 
for  sale,  41  n. ;  for  runaway  serv 
ants,  98,  229 

African    Church,    135 

African  Episcopalians,  establish 
school  (c.  1805),  130 


295 


296 


INDEX 


African  Hall,  burned  by  incendi 
aries  (1842),  164 

African  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  135 

African  Presbyterian  Church, 
ruined  by  mob  (1834),  160 

Alabama,  suffrage  in,  176  n.;  asks 
Pennsylvania  to  suppress  anti- 
slavery,  219  n. 

Aldermen,  forbidden  to  try  cases 
of  fugitive  slaves  (1820),  117, 
232 

Allen,  R.,  negro  bishop  of  Phila 
delphia,  125,  136  n. 

Almshouse,  Philadelphia,  negroes 
in,  154 

Alricks,  Peter,  uses  negroes,  i ; 
his  negroes  confiscated  by  Eng 
lish,  2 

American  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
founded  1833,  208  n. 

American  Colonization  Society, 
commended  by  negroes  (1830), 
138 

Anthony,  negro  of  Governor 
Printz,  i. 

Antigua,  negroes  imported  from,  9 

Anti-slavery,  increases  race  preju 
dice,  150;  causes  riots  in  east 
ern  cities  (1834),  160;  causes 
riot  in  Philadelphia  (1838),  162; 
contrasted  with  abolitionism, 
206-209;  meaning  of,  208  n. ; 
beginning  of,  in  Pennsylvania, 
217;  violence  of,  218;  anger 
aroused  by,  in  Pennsylvania, 
219;  hatred  of,  causes  destruc 
tion  of  Pennsylvania  Hall,  219; 
suppression  of,  asked  by  south 
ern  states,  219;  proposed  sup 
pression  of,  in  Pennsylvania,  by 
law,  220;  discountenanced  by 
some  of  the  abolitionists,  220; 
gains  ground  in  Pennsylvania 
(1839-1861),  221,  223,  244 
Anti-slavery  societies,  founded, 
208  n.;  in  Pennsylvania,  218; 
records  of,  262-264 
Anti-slavery  workers,  threats  made 
against  (1861),  247 


Apprentices,  negro,  101-107;  terms 
of  indenture  of,  105  n.;  before 
1780,  106 

Apprentices,  white,  children  bound 
as,  102-103;  numerous,  103;  reg 
ulation  of,  by  law  (1762-1763, 
1769-1770),  103-106;  consent  of, 
necessary,  when  indentured,  103; 
length  of  service  of,  104;  school 
ing  of,  104;  obligations  to  mas 
ter,  105;  marriages  of,  105;  pun 
ishment  of,  for  running  away, 
105-106 

Apprenticeship,    90,    101-107. 

Arkansas,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

Arms,  right  to  bear,  connection  of, 
with  right  to  vote,  174 

Arson,  by  slaves,  47,  48  n. 

Assembly,  colonial,  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  imposes  duties  upon  negroes 
imported,  3-7;  rejects  petition 
against  hiring  of  negroes,  5;  pro 
tests  against  enlistment  of  serv 
ants,  5;  imposes  duties  to  restrict 
importation  of  negroes,  8,  9; 
regulates  but  few  incidents  of 
slavery,  20 

Assessment  books,  260 

Association  of  Friends  for  the 
Free  Instruction  of  Adult  Col 
ored  Persons,  founded  1832, 
132  n. 

Association  of  negroes  tries  to  gain 
suffrage,  192 

Atlee,  Edwin  P.,  issues  anti-slav 
ery  pamphlet  in  Philadelphia, 
217;  attacks  constitution  of 
United  States,  217 

Bakers,    slaves    employed    as,    41 ; 

negroes  in  business  as,  125  n. 
Baldwin,    John,   of   Chester,    frees 

negroes    O731).  57 
Baltimore,  case  of  kidnapped  neg- 

ress   in    (1853),    242;    policeman 

from,    fails   to   capture    fugitive 

slave,  244 

Baptism  of  slaves,  20 
Baptist  church,  negro,   135 


INDEX 


297 


Barbadoes,  negroes  imported  from, 
9 

Barrett,  Owen,  prosperous  negro 
of  Pittsburg,  126  n. 

Bastardy,  of  servants,  punishment 
for  (1705),  96 

Beekman,  Willem,  desires  negroes 
(1662),  i 

Beggars  in  Philadelphia,  disdain 
negroes,  148  n. 

Benezet,  Anthony,  condemns  laxity 
of  negro  family  life,  46  n.;  op 
poses  slaveryi  72;  urges  legisla 
tive  abolition,  77,  78;  opens 
evening  school  for  negroes 
(1750),  128;  teaches  negroes  in 
his  own  home  during  the  Revo 
lution,  129;  bequeaths  property 
for  negro  education,  129  n. 

Benezet,  John,  helps  negro  to  pur 
chase  freedom,  62  n. 

Black  Legion,  proposal  to  raise, 
138 

Blacksmiths,  slaves  employed  as, 
41 ;  negroes  in  business  as,  125  n. 

Blunson,  Samuel,  of  Columbia, 
frees  negroes  (1746),  57 

Board  of  Trade,  asks  for  informa 
tion  about  negroes,  n  n. ;  rec 
ords  of,  257 

Bom,  Cornelis,  writes  of  negro 
(1684),  2  n. 

Boycott,  of  slave  products,  urged 
by  anti-slavery  advocates,  218 

Branagan,  Thomas,  describes  vices 
of  fugitive  slaves  (1805),  152; 
describes  intermarriage  of  ne 
groes  and  white  women,  194-195; 
describes  wretchedness  of  poor 
negroes  in  Philadelphia,  201  n. 

Branding,  of  negroes  for  attempted 
rape,  29;  of  white  people,  for 
burglary,  in  n. ;  for  rape,  1 1 1 
n. ;  for  fornication  or  adultery 
with  a  free  negro,  113 

Bricklayers,  slaves  employed  as,  41 

Brown,  Joshua,  witnesses  negro 
wedding  (1774),  46  n. 

Brush-makers,  slaves  employed  as, 


Bryan,    George,    author   of   act   of 

1780,    79 
Buckingham,  James  Silk,  speaks  of 

temptations  to  which  negro  was 

subjected,  158  n. 
Bucks    County,    negroes    vote    in 

(1837),   170 

Buggery,  punishment  for,  29 
Bullock,     William,     convicted     of 

murdering  slave,   36   n. 
Burden,  Dr.  J.  R.,  on  competition 

of  negro  laborers  (1838),  159  n. 
Burglary,  punishment  for,  29 

Cargo,   of  negroes,   9  n. 

Caricatures  of  negro  dress,  141 

Carpenters,  slaves  employed  as,  41 ; 
negroes  occupied  as,  125  n. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  confiscates  ne 
groes,  2  n. 

Cars,  begin  running  in  Philadel 
phia  (1858),  197;  negroes  re 
stricted  to  front  platforms  of, 
198;  negro  ejected  from  (1859), 
198 

Cash  books,  257,  259-260 

Cassey,  Joseph,  negro  money- 
broker  of  Philadelphia,  126  n. 

Castration,  punishment  for  at 
tempted  rape  (1700-1706),  29 

Censuses,  United  States,  of  white 
people  and  negroes  in  Pennsylva 
nia  and  in  Philadelphia,  1790- 
1860,  253 

Character  of  negroes,  seems  to  de 
teriorate,  157 

Chester  Quarterly  Meeting,  deals 
with  member  for  buying  and 
selling  slave,  75 

Cheyney,  Edward  Potts,  explains 
laws  imposing  duties  upon  ne 
groes  imported,  7-8 

Children,  of  free  negroes,  bound 
out  as  servants,  92;  of  negro 
servants,  unlawfully  held  until 
twenty-eight  years  old  (1800- 
1826),  99-100;  not  educated  be 
cause  of  poverty  of  parents,  133 

Chimney-sweeps,  negro  boys  em 
ployed  as,  124  n. 


298 


INDEX 


Christ  Church,  negroes  baptised 
in,  44;  minister  of,  for  negroes, 
45 

Christiana   Riot   (1851),   242-243 

Church,  negro,  first  one  opened 
in  school-house  (1791),  135 

Church  members,  suffrage  re 
stricted  to,  in  certain  colonies, 
181 

Church   records,   260 

Churches,  negroes  excluded  from, 
146 

Churches,  negro,  134-136;  disliked 
by  white  people,  161 

Cities,  congestion  of  negro  popula 
tion  in,  200;  miserable  condition 
of  negroes  in,  201-202 

Citizen,  defined  in  constitutional 
convention  of  1837-1838,  176  n. 

Citizens'  Union  of  the  Common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania,  negro 
organization,  founded  1848,  139 

Civil  War,  impending,  causes  un 
easiness  in  Pennsylvania,  246 

Clark,  James,  of  Lancaster  County, 
said  to  have  had  slave  in  1860, 
85  n. 

Clark,  John,  of  Lancaster  County, 
buys  negro  servants  in  Delaware, 
94  n. 

Clark,  William,  promises  freedom 
to  negro  (1682),  54  n. 

Clothes  of  slaves,  description  of, 
39,  and  n. 

College  for  negroes,  opposition  in 
New  Haven  to  establishment  of 
(1831),  146 

Collins,  Henry,  negro  real  estate 
dealer  of  Philadelphia,  126  n. 

Colonization  of  negroes,  origin  and 
purpose  of  scheme  for,  165; 
negroes  of  Philadelphia  opposed 
to,  165,  1 66;  proposal  to  tax 
negroes  to  further  (1840),  167; 
causes  of  failure  of,  167 

Colored  people.     See  Negroes 

Colored  Presbyterian  Church, 
founded  in  Philadelphia,  1800, 
135;  burned  by  incendiaries 
(1842),  164 


Columbia,  negroes  near  site  of 
(1726),  13;  negro  churches  in, 
136;  refuge  of  fugitive  slaves, 
240;  fugitive  slave  disturbance 
at  (1852),  243-244 

Combe,  George,  visits  negro 
church,  136  n. ;  comments  on  dis 
like  felt  for  negro,  147;  com 
ments  on  voting  by  negroes, 
185  n. 

Commissioners,  sent  from  Mary 
land  to  Pennsylvania  to  confer 
about  fugitive  slaves  (1826), 
231,  232 

Committee  of  citizens  of  Phila 
delphia  investigates  causes  of 
riot  (1834),  161 

Committees,  of  Pennsylvania  So 
ciety  for  the  Abolition  of  Slav 
ery,  to  assist  negroes,  122,  123  n. 

Competition  of  negroes  with  white 
laborers  increases  race  prejudice, 
158,  iS9 

Connecticut,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

Conspiracy  of  negroes  to  burn 
York  (1803),  152,  153 

Constitution  of  1776,  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  thought  to  give  jury  trial 
to  negroes  (1779),  28;  Judge 
Fox  declares  negroes  not  ad 
mitted  to  suffrage  by,  173;  suf 
frage  thought  to  be  granted  to 
negroes  by,  177;  bearing  of, 
upon  question  of  negro  suffrage, 
179 

Constitution  of  1790,  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  thought  to  abolish  slavery, 
82;  Judge  Fox  declares  negroes 
not  admitted  to  suffrage  by,  173; 
suffrage  thought  to  be  granted 
to  negroes  by,  177;  bearing  upon 
question  of  negro  suffrage,  180 

Constitution  of  1838,  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  restricts  suffrage  to  white 
men,  190;  ratified,  190 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
bearing  upon  question  of  negro 
suffrage  in  Pennsylvania,  173, 
174 


INDEX 


299 


Constitutions,  state,  provisions  of, 
relating  to  suffrage,  176  n. 

Constitutional  Convention  (1837- 
1838),  assembles,  169;  adjourns, 
170;  debates  question  of  negro 
suffrage,  169-170,  174-177,  189- 
190;  considers  jury  trial  for  fu 
gitives,  235-236 

Contempt  for  negroes,  described 
by  Fearon  (1818),  144  n. 

Conventions,  of  negroes,  138,  139; 
of  abolition  societies,  208  n.,' 
214  n. 

Cooks,  slaves  employed  as,  41 

Coopers,  slaves  employed  as,  41 

County  courts,  records  of,  255-256 

Court  minutes,  dockets,  and  pa 
pers,  255-256 

Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  of 
York  County,  Edward  Prigg  in 
dicted  in,  for  kidnapping,  236 

Court  records  of  Chester  County, 
mention  of  negroes  in,  2  n. 

Court  reports,  printed,   288-290 

Courts  of  Pennsylvania,  standing 
of  negro  slaves  in,  28  n.;  strict 
construction  of  abolition  laws 
in,  81 ;  strict  supervision  of  in 
denturing  of  apprentices  by,  104 

Courts  of  Quarter  Sessions,  en 
force  indentures  of  apprentices, 
105;  of  Philadelphia,  mulatto 
brought  before  (1774),  no  n. 

Courts,  special,  for  trial  of  negroes, 
26-28,  100,  109-110,  256 

Crevecoeur,  Hector  St.  John,  com 
ments  upon  good  treatment  of 
negroes  in  Pennsylvania,  38 

"  Cribs,"  negro  dwellings,  202  n. 

Crime,  among  negroes,  epidemic 
of,  in  Philadelphia  (1821-1822), 
155;  gradual  increase  of,  after 
1800,  155;  accounts  of,  in  news 
papers,  157  n. 

Criminals'  negro,  156;  shielded  by 
negroes,  161 

Curriers,  slaves  employed  as,  41 

Custom  House,  of  Philadelphia, 
negroes  imported  through,  4  n. 


Damages,  asked,  for  destruction  of 
Pennsylvania  Hall  (1838-1847), 
163 

Dancing  halls,  in  negro  quarters, 
presented  by  grand  jury  (1823), 
156 

Debating  societies,  founded  by  ne 
groes,  132 

Decoys,  negro,  assist  kidnappers, 
116  n. 

Deeds,  257 

Delaware,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

Delegates,  negro,  associate  with 
white  delegates  (1838),  162 

Democratic  organization  in  Bucks 
County,  desires  to  exclude  ne 
groes  from  polls  (1837),  171 

Denny,  John,  speaks  of  influx  of 
negroes  into  Pennsylvania 
(1836),  150;  acknowledges  that 
negroes  vote  in  Pennsylvania, 
184,  185;  declares  negroes  have 
no  legal  right  to  vote,  186  n. 

Diaries,  257,  259 

Dickinson,  Jonathan,  writes  about 
negroes  (1715),  4  n;  owns  ne 
groes,  13  n. 

Diseases,  of  negroes,  202  n. 

Distillers,  slaves  employed  as,  41 

District  of  Columbia,  Philadelphia 
Anti-Slavery  Society  seeks  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  in,  217;  slavery 
in,  opposed  by  legislature  and 
people  of  Pennsylvania,  224-225 

Dockets,  of  courts,   255-256 

Dram-shops,  in  negro  quarters,  pre 
sented  by  grand  jury  (1823), 
IS5,  156 

Dred  Scott  decision,  increases  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  226 

Dress  of  negroes,  extravagance  of, 
criticised,  141 

Dress-makers,   negro,    125    n. 

Duke  of  York's  Laws,  17;  obeyed 
in  Delaware  River  country,  18; 
possibly  recognize  negro  slavery, 
18;  superseded  by  Pennsylvania 
statutes,  i 8 

Dutch,  negroes  held  by,  i 


300 


INDEX 


Dutch  West  India  Company,  con 
tracts  to  furnish  negroes,  i 

Duties,  upon  negroes  imported  into 
Pennsylvania,  3-9 

Eastern  Penitentiary,  negro  con 
victs  in,  157 

Ebeling,  Daniel  Christoph,  says 
freedmen  worked  for  former 
masters,  123  n. 

Edmundson,  William,  persecuted 
for  religious  work  among  negroes 
of  West  Indies,  43  n. ;  condemns 
slavery,  64,  65 

Education,  public,  in  Pennsylvania, 
begins  c.  1802,  130;  of  negroes, 
carried  on  by  private  assistance 
before  1822,  130;  considered  use 
less,  131,  148;  continued  by 
Friends  after  state  aid  had  been 
obtained,  131;  success  of,  due 
largely  to  Friends  and  abolition 
ists,  133;  furthered  by  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  for  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery,  211 

Election,  anti-negro  riot  on  night 
of  (1849),  164 

Election  contest,  in  Bucks  County 
(1837),  170-171 

Emlen,  Samuel,  helps  negro  pur 
chase  freedom,  62  n. 

England,  suffrage  in,   181 

English  settlers  in  Pennsylvania, 
hold  slaves,  13 

Episcopalians,  religious  work  of, 
for  negroes,  44,  134 

Episcopalian  church,   negro,    135 

Equality,  of  negroes  with  white 
people,  maintained  by  certain 
white  persons,  143 

Evans,  Hannah,  manumits  negress 
conditionally,  63  n. 

Evening  Bulletin,  editorials  in, 
about  negro  (1851),  148 

Falkner,  Daniel,  speaks  of  im 
portation  of  negroes  from  West 
Indies  (1702),  9 

Farm,   owned  by   negro,    126   n. 


Fearon,  Henry  Bradshaw,  de 
scribes  prejudice  against  negroes 
in  Philadelphia  (1818),  144 

Federal  Convention,  memorial  to, 
prepared  by  Pennsylvania  Soci 
ety  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
213 

Federal  Gazette,  writer  in,  bitterly 
condemns  kidnapping,  115  n. 

Florida,  suffrage  in,  176  n.;  ex 
tension  of  slavery  into,  opposed 
by  Pennsylvania  Society  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  215 

Foremans  v.  Tamm,  case  of 
(1853),  197 

Fornication,  between  negroes  and 
whites,  punishment  for,  113 

Forten,  James,  wealthy  negro  sail- 
maker  of  Philadelphia,  125; 
helps  prepare  resolution  for  ne 
groes,  138;  serves  in  American 
navy,  138  n.;  unable  to  advance 
his  sons,  148 

Foster,  Stephen  S.,  anti-slavery 
advocate,  causes  schism  in  West 
ern  Quarterly  Meeting  at  Lon 
don  Grove  (1845),  222 

Fourth  of  July,  negroes  driven 
from  Independence  Square  on, 
146 

Fox,  John,  founder  of  the  Society 
of  Friends,  advises  freeing 
slaves  (1671),  64 

Fox,  John,  judge  of  Bucks  County 
Court,  decides  contested  election, 
172;  declares  negroes  not  free 
men  (1837),  172-174;  said  to 
have  led  negroes  to  the  polls, 
174 

Frame,  Mrs.  Margaretta,  bill  for 
bleeding  her  negro,  52  n. 

Franchise,  in  Pennsylvania,  condi 
tions  of,  169 

Frankfort  Company,  articles  of 
agreement  of,  mention  slaves 
(?),  69 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  confers  about 
high  duty  upon  negroes,  7  n. ; 
story  told  of,  31;  prints  book 
for  Ralph  Sandiford,  71  n. 


INDEX 


301 


Free  negroes.     See  Negroes,  free 
Free    Society   of   Traders,   charter 
of     (1682),     allows    holding    of 
negro  servants,  21 
Freedmen.    See  Negroes,  free 
Freedom  dues  of  servants,  23,  97 
Freeman,  meaning  of  term,    181 
Freemanship,    right    of    negro    to 
suffrage  dependent  upon  his  pos 
session  of,  187 

Friends,  in  colonial  assemblies,  inv 
pose   duties   to   restrict   importa 
tion   of   negroes,    8,   67;    oppose 
slavery,    15;   abolitionism  begins 
among,  about  1696,  21;  monthly 
meeting  of,  protests  against  dis 
order  of  negroes  in  Philadelphia 
(1733),    335    religious    work    of, 
for  negroes,  43,  44;  believe  slav 
ery  wrong,  58;  assist  negroes  to 
buy   their    freedom,    62;    opposi 
tion  to  slavery  begins  among,  64; 
principal    slaveholders    in    Penn 
sylvania  at  first,  65;  hesitation  of 
certain,   to   free   slaves,    69,   70; 
persisting  in  slave-holding,  to  be 
excluded   from  the   Society,   74  J 
wonderful    work    of,    in    volun 
tarily     abolishing     slavery,     76; 
harass  slaveholders,  81;  petition 
state  senate  to  abolish  all  slavery 
(i793).       835       send      memorial 
against      slavery       (J799).      83; 
recompense   freedmen   for   labor 
done    while    slaves,     122;    assist 
freed     negroes,      122;     organize 
schools  for  negroes,  122;  take  up 
work  of  educating  negroes,   128; 
reluctant     to     admit     negro     to 
church  membership,    134   n. ;   la 
ment     deterioration     of     negro 
character     (1806),     151;     larger 
part  of  membership  of  Pennsyl 
vania   Society  for  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery  made  up  of,  210;  favor 
more  aggressive  warfare  against 
slavery,  221,  222;  assist  fugitive 
slaves,   228;   obstruct   return   of 
fugitive    slaves,    234;    ask    jury 
trial    for    fugitive    slaves,    236; 


operate    Underground    Railroad, 
241 

Friends'  Meetings,  declare  against 
slavery,  58;  discourage  buying 
of  slaves,  66;  condemn  importa 
tion  and  buying  of  negroes,  67 
n.;  condemn  slave-holdings,  73; 
advise  Friends  to  manumit  slaves 

d758),  73 
French  negroes,  prisoners  of  war, 

25  n. 
Frontier,  relation  of,  to  slavery  m 

Pennsylvania,  15.  16 
Fugitive     slave,     from     Maryland, 
kills  master  in  Chester   County, 
231   n.;  warrant  for  removal  of 
a,  232  n. 

Fugitive  slaves,  legislation  in  Penn 
sylvania  relating  to  (1820),  232; 
(1826),  233;  (1847).  238;  (1860), 
245 ;  children  of,  born  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  free,  87;  burden  to  state, 
151;    nuisance    in    Philadelphia, 
151;    congregate    in   cities,    151; 
pitied  in  Pennsylvania,  153-1545 
responsible    for    increase    in   ne 
gro  crime,    158;   Federal  law  of 
1793,   relating  to,   215,   231-232; 
sympathy    for,   in    Pennsylvania, 
while  negro  is  disliked,   227;  in 
colonial  Pennsylvania,  227,  228; 
procedure     when      detained     in 
Pennsylvania  jails,  228;  assisted 
by     Friends     and     abolitionists, 
228;  assisted  to  escape  by  Friend 
in     Philadelphia      (1804),     229; 
great    number    of,    in    Philadel 
phia  (1813),  229;  armed  negroes 
in    Philadelphia    attempt    rescue 
of     (1824),    231     n.;     increasing 
sentiment  in   favor  of,  233-244; 
attitude  towards  Federal  law  of 
1850,  relating  to,  241,  242,  247; 
difficulty   of   enforcing   laws    re 
lating  to,  245-246 
Funeral,    of    negro,    described    by 
traveller  (1838),  137'.  of  negress, 
attended  by  white  people,  144  n- 
Furley,    Benjamin,    advises    servi 
tude,  not  slavery,  for  negroes,  21 
Furniture,  owned  by  negoes,  126 


302 


INDEX 


Gaiety,    of    negroes,    140 

Gallatin,  Albert,  boasts  that  Penn 
sylvania  first  abolished  slavery, 
80  n. ;  helps  to  draft  constitution 
of  1790,  177 

Garcia,  Antonio,  Spanish  mulatto, 
appeals  for  freedom,  55 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  urges 
negroes  of  Pennsylvania  to  op 
pose  colonization,  165-166;  in 
fluence  of,  in  Pennsylvania,  217; 
denounced  as  lunatic,  219  n. 

Georgia,  suffrage  in,  176  n. ;  asks 
Pennsylvania  to  suppress  anti- 
slavery,  219  n. 

German  settlers  of  Pennsylvania, 
hold  few  slaves,  13,  15,  68;  im 
portance  of  attitude  of,  69;  great 
numbers  of,  in  Pennsylvania, 
69  n. 

Germantown  Protest,  against  slav- 
ery(i688),  19,  21;  first  protest 
against  slavery  in  North  Amer 
ica,  65,  66 

Gerstner,  Clara  von,  describes  ne 
gro  domestics  in  Philadelphia 
(1840),  124  n. 

Gorsuch,  Edward,  of  Maryland, 
pursues  runaway  slaves  to  Chris 
tiana,  242;  murdered  by  negroes 
at  Christiana,  243 

Graisberry,  Joseph,  sued  by  aboli 
tionists,  82 

Grammar  schools,  negro,  closing 
of,  threatened  (1842),  131 

Grand  jury,  presents  disorder  of 
negroes  in  Philadelphia  (1702, 
I74O,  33J  presents  liquor-shops 
in  negro  quarters  (1823),  155; 
blames  negro  procession  for  riot 
(1842),  164 

Guardians,  indenture  apprentices, 
103 

Hairdressers,  negroes  occupied  as, 
125  n. 

Hammermen,  slaves  employed  as, 
4i 

Hanway,    Castner,   trial   of,   243 

Harboring,  of  servants,  punish 
ment  for,  23;  forbidden,  96;  of 


apprentices,  penalty  for,  106; 
of  runaway  slaves,  112 

Harris,  John,  founder  of  Harris- 
burg,  has  slaves  near  the  Sus- 
quehanna  (1733),  13;  frees  ne 
gro,  57 

Harrisburg,  infested  with  worth 
less  negroes,  153;  registry  of 
strange  negroes  at,  153  n.;  crim 
inal  negroes  in  (1836),  156;  fu 
gitive  slave  recaptured  in,  242 

Hart,  Albert  Bushnell,  definitions 
of  anti-slavery  and  abolition, 
207  n. ;  208  n. 

Hatred  of  negroes,  causes  of,  159, 
1 60 

Head,  John,  helps  negro  purchase 
freedom,  62  n. 

Herrick,  Cheesman  A.,  comments 
on  Quakers  and  slavery,  53  n. 

High  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals, 
affirms  legality  of  slavery  in 
Pennsylvania  (1802),  82,  83; 
records  of,  256 

Hiring  of  negro  slaves,  41 

Hobbs  v.  Fogg,  case  of  (1835- 
1838),  188 

House  of  Refuge  in  Philadelphia, 
negroes  excluded  from,  148 

Houses  owned  by  negroes  in  Phila 
delphia,  125;  how  furnished, 
126;  fired  by  mob  (1835),  J6i 

House-servants,    negro,    124 

Huntingdon  County,  petition  from, 
respecting  negroes,  184 

Illinois,  suffrage  in,   176  n. 

Immigration  of  negroes  into  Penn 
sylvania,  149,  150,  151,  153  n., 
154,  203 

Importation  of  negroes  into  Penn 
sylvania,  3-10,  67 

Improvidence  of  negroes,  200  n. 

Increase  in  number  of  negroes, 
due  largely  to  immigration,  202, 
203 

Indenture,  of  servant,  96;  of  ap 
prentices,  103,  104,  107 

Independence  Square,  negroes 
driven  from,  146 

Indiana,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 


INDEX 


303 


Instruction,  free,  of  white  chil 
dren,  laws  regarding  (1802, 
1804,  1809),  130 

Insurrection  of  slaves,  not  feared 
in  Pennsylvania,  48 

Intercourse,  sexual,  between  ne 
groes  and  white  people,  for 
bidden  (1725-1726),  29;  decision 
of  Chester  County  Court  re 
specting  (1698),  30;  evidences 
of,  31,  196,  197 

Intermarriage,  of  free  negroes  with 
white  people,  forbidden,  112; 
punishments  for,  113;  efforts  to 
prevent,  194-196 

Iron-masters,  desire  negro  labor, 
4  n.;  own  negroes,  13 

Iron-works,  negroes  desired  at,   15 

Iron-workers,   slaves   employed   as, 


Jackson,  Isaac,  member  of  Friends' 
visiting  committees,  75 

Jails,  fugitive  slaves  to  be  lodged 
in  (1826),  233;  debarred  from 
(1847),  238;  readmitted  to 
(1852),  244 

Jamaica,  negroes  imported  into 
Pennsylvania  from,  9 

John,  negro  property-owner  (1779), 
125 

Jones,  Absalom,  negro  minister, 
129  n.  ;  helps  to  prepare  resolu 
tion  for  negroes,  138 

Jones,  Henry,  of  Moyamensing, 
owns  negroes  (1688),  13  n. 

Jones,  Jonathan,  visited  by  com 
mittees,  regrets  purchase  of  ne 
gro,  73  n. 

Jury,  trial  by,  negroes  debarred 
from  (1700-1780),  27,  no;  for 
fugitive  slaves,  numerous  peti 
tions  asking  for,  235,  236 

Justices  of  Courts  of  Quarter  Ses 
sions,  assent  to  indentures  of 
apprentices,  103;  jurisdiction  of, 
over  negroes  marrying  white 
people,  113;  forbidden  to  try 
cases  of  fugitive  slaves  (1820), 
117,  232 


Kalm,  Peter,  on  effect  of  cold  upon 
negroes  in  Pennsylvania,  10  n.; 
on  death  penalty  for  murder  of 
slave,  36  n. ;  on  good  treatment 
of  negroes,  38;  declares  negroes 
were  refused  religious  teaching, 
43 

Kansas,  trouble  in,  increases  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  226 

Keimer,  Samuel,  scheme  to  teach 
negroes  to  read,  128  n. 

Keith,  George,  denounces  slavery, 
19;  declaration  of  (1693),  21; 
issues  first  protest  against  slav 
ery  printed  in  America,  66 

Keithian  Quakers,  advise  masters 
to  give  negroes  Christian  edu 
cation  (1693),  43;  protest  of, 
208 

Kennett  Square,  Society  of  Pro 
gressive  Friends  founded  at 
(1853),  222 

Kentucky,  Court  of  Appeals  of, 
decides  that  negroes  are  not 
citizens,  176  n.;  asks  Pennsyl 
vania  to  suppress  anti-slavery, 
219  n. 

Kidnapping  of  free  negroes  in 
Pennsylvania,  115-119,  211-212, 
238,  242 

"  Killers  of  Moyamensing,"  at 
tack  negroes  (1849),  164 

King,  Adam,  of  Georgetown,  sells 
negro  servants  in  Pennsylvania, 
93  n. 

Knowles,  John,  of  Oxford,  frees 
negro  (1744),  57 

Labor,    slaves    needed    because    of 

high   price    of,   6 
Lancaster    County,    fugitive    slave 

in,    240;    Underground    Railroad 

started    in,    240 
Langhorne,    Jeremiah,    Judge,     of 

Bucks     County,     frees     negroes 

(1742),    57;    gives    property    to 

manumitted  slaves,    121 
Laws  of  Pennsylvania,  editions  of, 

280 


304 


INDEX 


Lawyers,  employed  by  Pennsylva 
nia  Society  for  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery,  213 

Lay,  Benjamin,  on  bad  treatment 
of  slaves,  38;  efforts  of,  to  arouse 
pity  for  slaves,  71 

Ledgers,  257,  259-260 

Legislative  journals,  279 

Legislature,  of  Pennsylvania,  com 
mittee  of,  replies  to  petitions 
asking  re-establishment  of  slav 
ery  (1860),  204-205;  legislature 
receives  petitions  about  slave- 
trade  from  Pennsylvania  Soci 
ety  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
213;  opposes  extension  of  slav 
ery,  223-224;  opposes  slavery 
in  District  of  Columbia,  224- 
225;  committee  of,  reports  on  in 
adequacy  of  fugitive  slave  legis 
lation,  230 

Leidy,  N.  B.,  coroner,  report  of, 
on  wretched  condition  of  poor 
negroes  in  Philadelphia,  201  n., 
202  n. 

Letters,  257-258 

Lettour,  John,  manumits  negress 
conditionally,  63  n. 

Libraries,  founded  by  negroes,  132 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  of  Chester 
County,  advertises  for  runaway 
slave  (1730),  49  n. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  afterwards  pres 
ident  of  the  United  States,  com 
ments  upon  gloomy  prospects  of 
negro  (1857),  249  n. 

Lloyd,  Thomas,  bequeaths  negroes, 
1 8  n.,  19  n. 

Lotteries,  to  raise  money  for  negro 
churches,  135  n. 

Louisiana,  suffrage  in,    176  n. 

Lutherans,  religious  work  of,  for 
negroes,  44 

Luzerne  County,  case  concerning 
negro  suffrage  in,  188 

Lycoming  County,  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas  of,  upholds  right  of 
negro  to  preempt  land,  197 

Macclanechan,  William,  notices 
"  catechist  to  the  Negroes,"  at 
Christ  Church  (1760),  45  «• 


Maine,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

Manumission,  first  case  of  (1701), 
54;  regulation  of,  by  act  of  1725- 
I726,  55,  56,  57;  more  frequent 
after  1750,  58;  frequent  among 
Friends,  1750-1780,  59;  made 
easier  by  act  of  1780,  61;  greatly 
diminishes  slavery,  63;  citizens 
of  Philadelphia  desire  removal  of 
restrictions  upon  (1776),  77;  in 
creases  number  of  free  negroes, 
1 08 

Manuscript  sources,  255-265 

Marriages,  between  negroes  and 
white  people,  forbidden  1725- 
1726,  30,  31;  of  apprentices,  105 

Marryat,  Frederick,  Captain,  de 
scribes  negro  funeral,  137  n. 

Marshall,  John,  approves  of  the 
sis  in  John  Denny's  book,  187 

Marshall,  Christopher,  protects  his 
negress,  38  n. ;  negress  of,  given 
holiday,  42  n.;  helps  negro  pur 
chase  freedom,  62  n. ;  declares 
negroes  could  not  vote  (1776), 
178  n. 

Mary  Street  School,  first  public 
school  for  negroes  in  Pennsyl 
vania  (1882),  131  n. 

Maryland,  desire  to  import  negroes 
into  Pennsylvania  from,  2;  suf 
frage  in,  176  n.;  fugitive  slaves 
from,  in  Pennsylvania,  228,  230, 
231;  regards  Pennsylvania  as 
hostile  state  (1823),  230;  asks 
that  case  against  Prigg  be  dis 
missed,  237;  asks  repeal  of  law 
of  1826,  237 

Massachusetts,  suffrage  in,    176  n. 

Masters,  obligations  of,  to  serv 
ants,  97;  to  apprentices,  104 

Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  refers  to 
disorder  of  negroes  (1761),  34; 
fails  to  save  Pennsylvania  Hall 
from  mob  (1838),  162 

Mechanics,  negro,  124 

Meetings  of  Friends,  divided  by 
anti-slavery,  222 

Meetings,  held  in  Pennsylvania  to 


INDEX 


305 


urge  repeal  of  anti-slavery  legis 
lation  (1861),  247 

Mercer,  Hugh,  writes  from  vicinity 
of  Pittsburg  for  negroes  (1759), 
13 

Merchants  of  Philadelphia,  im 
port  negroes,  2;  protest  against 
increased  duty  upon  negroes,  6 

Merion,  negro  manages  farm  at, 
"5 

Methodist  church,  negro,   135,   136 

Michigan,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

Mifflin,  Benjamin,  sells  negro  his 
freedom,  60  n. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  speaks  of  negroes 
kidnapped,  115 

Militia,  enrollment  in,  limited  to 
whites,  179,  182  n. 

Miller  v.  Dwilling,  suit  concerning 
children  of  negro  servants 
(1826),  100 

Milliners,  negroes  occupied  as, 
125  n. 

Ministers,  negro,  129,  135;  leaders 
of  their  race,  136 

Minton,  Henry,  prosperous  negro 
of  Philadelphia,  126  n. 

Minutes,    court,    255-256 

Missionaries,  do  religious  work 
among  negroes,  45;  negro,  45 

Mississippi,  suffrage  in,  176  n.; 
asks  Pennsylvania  to  suppress 
anti-slavery,  219  n. 

Missouri,  suffrage  in,  176  n. ;  ex 
tension  of  slavery  into,  opposed 
by  Pennsylvania  Society  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  215 

Missouri  Compromise,  repeal  of, 
increases  anti-slavery  sentiment 
in  Pennsylvania,  226 

Mittelberger,  Gottlieb,  speaks  of 
negro  marriages,  46  n. 

Mob,  riots  of,  against  negroes  in 
Philadelphia,  160-164;  of  ne 
groes,  rescues  fugitive  slave  at 
Columbia  (1852),  243-244 

Monthly  meetings,  records  of,  261 

Moon,  James,  works  on  visiting 
committees,  75;  diary  of,  75  n. 

Moravians,   religious  work  of,  for 


negroes,  44,  134;  liberate  ne 
groes,  57 

Mortality  among  negroes,  202  n. 

Muhlenberg,  Peter,  writes  to  Gov 
ernor  Randolph  of  Virginia 
about  fugitive  slave,  228  n. 

Mulattoes,  servants  and  slaves,  25; 
numbers  of,  31,  196  n. ;  197; 
children  bound  out  as  servants, 
92;  women,  married  by  kid 
napper,  then  sold  as  slaves, 
116  n. 

"  Mulatto  Hall,"  Sussex  County, 
30 

Murder,  punishment  for,  29 

Music,  fondness  of  negroes  for, 
140 

Musicians,  negro,  124  n. 

"  Mystery,"  to  be  taught  appren 
tice,  104 

Naturalization  laws,  Federal,  bear 
ing  of,  upon  negro  suffrage,  174, 
176  n. 

Negress,  stoned  to  death,  145 

Negro  Flora  v.  Joseph  Graisberry, 
case  of,  testing  legality  of  slav 
ery  in  Pennsylvania  (1795-1802), 
82 

Negro  society,  described  by  anony 
mous  writer  in  1841,  140 

Negroes,  along  South  River 
0639),  i;  at  Tinicum,  i;  de 
sired  by  settlers  along  the  Dela 
ware  (1664),  i;  among  Dutch 
and  Swedes,  i,  2;  desired  at 
New  Castle,  2;  confiscated  at 
New  Amstel  (1664),  2;  along 
Delaware  River  in  1677,  2;  in 
Philadelphia  County  (1684),  2; 
in  Chester  County  (1687),  2; 
numerous  in  Philadelphia  (1702), 
2;  labor  of,  lowers  wages  of 
white  laborers,  3;  increase  in 
number,  5;  opposed  by  white 
laborers,  5;  smuggled  in  from 
New  Jersey,  5  n. ;  from  Africa, 
unable  to  endure  winters  of 
Pennsylvania,  10;  usually  im 
ported  from  West  Indies,  10; 


306 


INDEX 


exported  from  Pennsylvania, 
10;  price  of,  10;  numbers  of,  12; 
mostly  held  in  southeastern 
Pennsylvania,  12;  comparatively 
few  in  Pennsylvania,  13,  14;  as 
merchandise,  25  n. ;  tried  in 
special  courts  (1700-1780),  26; 
forbidden  to  congregate  (1725- 
!726),  32;  disorderly  in  Phila 
delphia,  32-34;  treated  leniently 
in  Pennsylvania,  34;  marriages 
of,  45,  46;  not  buried  near  white 
people,  47;  crime  among,  in  colo 
nial  Pennsylvania,  47,  48;  fre 
quently  run  away  from  masters, 
49;  sold  for  jail-fees,  50;  manu 
mitted  conditionally,  work  for 
freedom,  60;  buy  their  liberty, 
61;  bind  themselves  to  pay  for 
liberty,  62;  small  number  of,  no 
ticed  by  travellers,  69  n. ;  hire 
themselves  of  masters,  101  n. ; 
rise  of,  from  slavery  to  freedom, 
107-108;  tried  in  ordinary  courts 
before  1700,  109;  population  sta 
tistics  relating  to,  253 
Negroes,  free,  French,  25  n. ;  sub 
ject  to  restrictions  because  of 
race,  26;  attract  attention,  55; 
idleness  of,  55,  56  n. ;  attract  at 
tention  of  philanthropists,  58; 
number  of,  by  1780,  61;  buy 
freedom  of  relatives,  62;  legal 
discriminations  affecting,  abol 
ished  by  act  of  1780,  78;  of 
Philadelphia,  ask  for  complete 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  offer 
to  help  pay  for  it  (1800),  83; 
gradual  rise  of,  to  freedom 
through  servitude,  89;  not  self 
supporting,  sold  as  slaves,  91; 
sold  as  servants  for  crime,  92; 
children  of,  bound  out  as  serv 
ants,  92;  bind  themselves  as 
servants,  92  n. ;  legal  discrimina 
tions  against,  before  1780,  109; 
political  discriminations  against 
before  1780,  109;  tried  in  special 
courts  (1700-1780),  109,  no, 
172;  subject  to  regulations  af 


fecting  negro  slaves  and  serv 
ants,  109-113,  172-173;  punish 
ments  of,  1 1 1 ;  vagrancy  of,  pun 
ished  by  servitude,  in;  sub 
jected  to  specific  legal  regulation 
(1725-1726),  111-113;  relations 
of,  with  slaves,  112;  punish 
ments  of,  for  harboring  runaway 
slaves,  112;  sold  into  servitude 
for  not  paying  fines,  112;  to  be 
sold  as  slaves  for  marrying  white 
people,  112,  113;  required  to 
have  pass  when  travelling,  113, 
114;  inferior  status  of,  before 
1780,  113,  114;  protest  against 
fugitive  slave  law  of  1793,  115, 
116;  attacked  by  kidnappers  in 
Philadelphia,  116;  legal  status 
of,  119;  economic  rise  of, 
auspiciously  begun,  121;  remain 
in  service  of  former  masters, 
123;  as  day  laborers,  123;  keep 
shops,  123;  occupations  of,  de 
scribed  by  travellers,  123;  in 
business,  124;  wealthy,  in  Phila 
delphia,  125;  economic  progress 
of,  hampered  because  of  preju 
dice,  126,  127;  economic  condi 
tion  of,  127;  establish  schools 
(c.  1805),  129,  130;  thank  legis 
lature  for  public  schools,  132;  de 
barred  from  public  activity,  137; 
nurse  sick  during  yellow  fever 
epidemics,  137;  help  to  fortify 
Philadelphia  (1814),  138;  peti 
tion  legislature  for  protection 
when  travelling  in  slave-holding 
states,  139;  temperance  of,  140; 
character  of,  described,  140,  141; 
causes  of  slight  progress  of,  142; 
hope  for  equality  with  white 
people,  143;  insulted  by  lower 
classes  of  white  people,  144;  per 
secuted  in  Philadelphia,  145; 
punished  more  severely  than 
white  people,  145;  inefficiency  of, 
denounced,  147;  proposition  to 
subject  to  special  tax,  151; 
burden  in  Philadelphia,  152; 
burden  to  state,  154;  beaten  by 


INDEX 


307 


mob  (1835),  161 ;  flee  from  mob 
(1842),  164;  disapprove  of  col 
onization  (1817),  165;  position 
of,  in  colonial  Pennsylvania, 
177-178;  vote  in  Pennsylvania, 
183-185;  law  for  regulation  of, 
debated  (1807),  184;  vote  in 
seven  counties  of  Pennsylvania, 
185;  petition  for  suffrage,  191; 
try  to  secure  suffrage,  191;  con 
dition  of,  worse  after  1838,  192, 
193;  efforts  to  abridge  legal 
rights  of,  197;  excluded  from 
street  cars  (1858),  198;  allowed 
to  use  street  cars  (1867),  198; 
condition  of,  improved  abso 
lutely  but  not  relatively,  198- 
199;  economic  condition  of  lower 
classes  of,  200;  where  from, 
203  n.;  citizens  undesired,  205; 
abolitionists  and  anti-slavery  ad 
vocates,  friends  of,  206;  assisted 
by  Pennsylvania  Society  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  210-211; 
operate  Underground  Railroad, 
241;  kidnapped  as  fugitives,  242; 
mob  of,  murder  Edward  Gorsuch 
at  Christiana,  243;  armed,  hunt 
fugitive  slave  catchers,  243  n. ; 
relations  of,  with  white  people, 
of  Pennsylvania,  247-248;  re 
garded  as  inferior  to  white  peo 
ple,  248,  249;  improvement  in 
condition  of,  249;  dark  prospect 
for,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1861, 
249;  dark  outlook  for,  com 
mented  upon,  by  Abraham  Lin 
coln  (1857),  249  n. 

New  Amstel  (New  Castle),  cap 
tured  by  English,  who  confiscate 
negroes  (1664),  2 

New  Castle,  court  records  of,  men 
tion  negroes  (1677),  2  n. 

New  England  Anti-Slavery  So 
ciety,  founded  1832,  208  n. 

New  Hampshire,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

New  Haven,  citizens  of,  oppose 
establishment  of  negro  college, 
146 

New     Jersey,     more     negroes     in, 


than  in  Pennsylvania,  14;  suf 
frage  in,  176  n. 

New  Jersey  Abolition  Society, 
founded  1792,  214 

New  York,  more  negroes  in,  than 
in  Pennylvania,  14;  suffrage  in, 
176  n. ;  slave-trade  in,  investi 
gated  by  Pennsylvania  Society 
for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery 
(1812),  214 

New  York  Abolition  Society,  pro 
poses  convention  of  abolition  so 
cieties  (1795),  214 

Newspaper,  negro,  The  Coloured 
American,  132  n. 

Newspapers,  record  crime  of  ne 
groes,  157  n.;  criticise  law  of 
1847,  246;  consulted  for  this 
work,  265-269 

Next  Friend,  of  apprentice,  103; 
master  not  to  act  as,  103  n. 

Night  schools   for  negroes,   129 

Non-jurors,  desire  freemanship, 
182  n. 

Norris,  Isaac,  sells  a  negro,  10  n. ; 
orders  violin  for  negro  Peter, 
42  n. ;  refers  to  early  abolition 
ism,  70 

North  Carolina,  suffrage  in,  176  n.; 
asks  Pennsylvania  to  suppress 
anti-slavery,  219  n. 

Nullification,  anti-slavery  and  hos 
tility  to  fugitive  slave  laws  bring 
Pennsylvania  close  to,  245 

Nurses,   slaves   employed   as,   41 

Occupations  of  free  negroes,  125  n. 

Ohio,  suffrage  in,   176  n. 

"  Old  West,"  and  slavery  in 
Pennsylvania,  15 

Op  den  Graeff,  Hermans,  speaks  of 
negroes  in  Pennsylvania  (1684), 
2  n. 

Orphan  asylum,  colored,  burned  by 
mob  in  Philadelphia  (1838),  163 

Orphans  Court,  authorized  to  ap 
prentice  children,  103 

Overseers  of  the  poor,  appren 
tices  indentured  by,  103 


308 


INDEX 


Packer,  William  Fisher,  governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  urges  repeal 
of  legislation  obnoxious  to  the 
South  (1861),  246 

Panic  in  negro  church,  145 

Papers,  court,  255-256 

Parents,  indenture  children  as  ap 
prentices,  103;  not  permitted  to 
bind  children  as  servants,  106  n. 

Partus  sequitur  ventrem,  doctrine 
of,  in  Pennsylvania,  24  n. 

Pass,  free  negroes  travelling,  re 
quired  to  have,  113,  114;  serv 
ants  travelling,  required  to  have, 
114  n. 

Pastorious,  Francis  Daniel,  with 
other  Friends  of  Germantown 
draws  up  first  protest  against 
slavery  in  North  America  (1688), 
65,  208 

Paupers,  negro,  151,  154 

Pemberton,  Israel,  defends  liberty 
of  Indian  woman  (1775),  209 

Pemberton,  Joseph,  helps  negro 
purchase  freedom,  62  n. 

Pcnn,  Thomas,  bill  for  medicine 
for  negroes  of,  52  n. 

Penn,  William,  notices  negroes  in 
his  charter  to  the  Free  Society 
of  Traders,  2;  says  negroes  are 
held  for  life  (1685),  19;  urges 
law  of  1700  for  trial  of  negroes, 
26;  establishes  monthly  meeting 
for  negroes  (1700),  44;  desires 
marriages  of  negroes  regulated 
(1700),  45;  frees  slaves  by  will 
(1701),  54 

Pennsylvania,  colonial,  manufac 
turing  and  commerce  in,  14; 
first  abolishes  slavery,  79;  suf 
frage  in,  176  n. ;  opposes  slave- 
trade,  223;  opposes  extension  of 
slavery,  223-224;  opposes  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
223-225 ;  dislikes  slavery,  but 
wishes  not  to  offend  the  South, 
225;  regarded  by  Maryland  as 
hostile  state  (1823),  230;  popu 
lation  of,  according  to  United 
States  censuses,  1790-1860,  253 


Pennsylvania  Hall,  destruction  of, 
by  a  mob  (1838),  162-163 

Pennsylvania  Society  for  the  Abo 
lition  of  slavery,  memorializes 
legislature  with  regard  to  slav 
ery,  83;  after  1805  devotes  it 
self  largely  to  work  for  free 
negro,  86;  stops  fraudulent  in 
denturing  (1817),  107;  protests 
against  kidnapping,  115  n.,  116; 
assists  free  negroes,  122,  159, 
210-211;  provides  education  for 
free  negroes,  122,  211;  makes 
report  upon  occupation  of  free 
negroes  (1800),  124;  urges  state 
assistance  for  education  of 
negro,  130-131;  founds  pay 
school  for  higher  education  of 
negroes  (1832),  132;  encourages 
negroes  to  demand  suffrage,  171; 
origin  of,  209;  instituted  1775, 
209;  reorganized  1784,  210;  work 
of,  210-217;  membership  com 
posed  mainly  of  Friends,  210; 
committees  of,  to  assist  free 
negroes,  211;  endeavors  to  sup 
press  kidnapping,  211-212;  prin 
cipal  object  of,  abolition  of  slav 
ery,  212;  helps  to  secure  act  of 
1788,  212;  tries  to  have  longer 
service  of  negro  servants  re 
duced,  212;  supervises  strict  en 
forcement  of  laws  against  slav 
ery,  212-213;  petitions  legislature 
to  stop  slave-trade  at  Philadel 
phia  (1788),  213;  circulates  pic 
ture  of  slave-ship,  213;  encour 
ages  establishment  of  abolition 
societies  elsewhere,  214;  investi 
gates  slave-trade  in  New  York 
and  Rhode  Island  (1812),  214; 
sends  to  Congress  first  petition 
for  abolition  of  slavery  (1790), 
215;  opposes  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
of  J793»  2IS>  opposes  extension 
of  slavery,  215;  circulates  abo 
litionist  literature  in  the  South, 
215;  character  of  work  of,  215- 
216;  results  of  work  of,  216-217; 
diminished  influence  of,  217; 


INDEX 


309 


methods  of,  explained  by  Wil 
liam  Rawle,  220  n. ;  protests 
against  law  of  1826,  233  n.;  rec 
ords  of,  262-263 

Persecution  of  negroes  by  lower 
classes  of  white  people  in  Phila 
delphia,  145 

Personal  liberty  bill,  introduced 
into  Pennsylvania  House  (1859), 
245;  details  of  a,  245  n. 

Petitions,  against  immigration  of 
negroes  into  Pennsylvania,  153 
n. ;  for  aid  to  colonize  ne 
groes,  1 66;  for  and  against 
negro  suffrage,  174-175;  asking 
suffrage  for  negro,  great  number 
of,  sent  to  legislature,  191;  ask 
ing  trial  by  jury  for  fugitive 
slaves,  235;  asking  repeal  of  anti- 
slavery  legislation  (1861),  247 

Philadelphia,  number  of  negroes 
in  (1751),  12;  negroes  of,  dis 
orderly,  32-34;  magistrates  of, 
complain  of  wandering  negroes, 
60;  citizens  of,  ask  for  complete 
abolition  of  slavery  (1800),  83; 
negro  churches  in,  135,  136; 
panic  in  (1814),  138;  negroes 
not  vote  in,  171;  citizens  of,  ask 
legislature  to  deal  with  question 
of  fugitive  slaves  (1818),  230; 
newspapers  of,  oppose  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  of  1850,  241 ;  fugi 
tive  slave  recaptured  in,  242; 
population  of,  according  to 
United  States  censuses  (1790- 
1860),  253 

Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
founded  1834,  217 

Philadelphia  Library  Company  of 
Colored  Persons,  founded  1833, 
132  n. 

Pictures,  relating  to  the  negro, 
294 

Pittsburg,  negro  churches  in,  136; 
anti-negro  disturbance  in  (1839), 
163;  fugitive  slaves  recaptured 
in,  242 

Pittsburg  African  Education  Soci 
ety,  founded  1832,  132  n. 


Plantation  system,  absence  of,  in 
Pennsylvania,  14 

Plasterers,  negroes  occupied  as, 
125  n. 

Police,  fail  to  protect  negroes  in 
Philadelphia  from  mob  (1835), 
162 

Political  status  of  negro,  slight  at 
tention  paid  to,  at  first,  169 

Polls,  armed  negroes  at,   171 

Pontgibaud,  Chevalier  de,  tells  of 
negroes  associating  with  white 
people  (c.  1793),  162 

Porters,  negro,  at  Philadelphia, 
124  n. 

Portues,  James,  loss  to,  occasioned 
by  runaway  mulatto  servant, 
98  n. 

Preemption  of  land,  right  of  ne 
groes  in  regard  to,  197;  upheld 
by  courts  of  Pennsylvania 
(1853),  197 

Price  of  negroes,  10,11 

Prigg,  Edward,  captures  Maryland 
negress  in  Pennsylvania  (1837), 
236;  indicted  for  kidnapping, 
236-237;  temporary  immunity 
granted  to,  237;  appeals  to 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  237;  acquitted,  237 

Prigg  v.  Pennsylvania,  case  of 
(1847),  Il8»  236-238 

Printz,  Johan,  has  negro  at  Tini- 
cum  (1644),  i 

Procession,  negro,  causes  riot  in 
Philadelphia  (1842),  163;  of 
pompous  negroes,  described,  141 

Progress,  economic  and  social,  of 
negroes,  142 

Progressive  Friends,  Society  of, 
221-222 

Property,  owned  by  negroes,  125- 
126;  destroyed  by  mob  in  Phila 
delphia  (1834),  161 

Prosser,  James,  prosperous  negro 
of  Philadelphia,  126  n. 

Protest  of  1688,  65,  208 

Public  affairs,  small  participation 
in,  by  negroes,  138 

Punishments,  of  negroes,  for  theft 


INDEX 


of  master's  goods,  19;  of  free 
negroes  also  (1700-1780),  no- 
1 1 1 ;  of  white  people,  1 1 1 ;  for 
kidnapping,  117-119 

Quakers,  see  Friends 

Quaker  abolitionists,  in  colonial 
Pennsylvania,  influence  of,  grad 
ually  felt,  72,  73 

Quarterly  meetings,  records  of, 
261-262 

Race  prejudice,  little  of,  in  Penn 
sylvania,  during  colonial  period, 
114,  143;  hinders  progress  of 
free  negroes,  119;  excludes  ne 
gro  children  from  education  by 
state  before  1822,  130,  131;  de 
bars  negroes  from  public  activity, 
134;  beginnings  of,  144;  in 
crease  of,  146;  increased  by 
anti-slavery  movement,  146; 
causes  of,  149-150,  159-160; 
causes  riots  in  eastern  cities 
(1834),  160;  general  cause  of 
anti-negro  riots  in  Philadelphia 
(1834-1849),  164-165;  one  cause 
why  suffrage  was  denied  to 
negro,  189;  increased  by  anti- 
slavery  propaganda,  221;  op 
posed  by  anti-slavery  feeling  in 
Pennsylvania,  247-248;  con 
stantly  increases,  249 

Ragan,  George,  refuses  to  re 
nounce  slavery,  74  n. 

Ragmen,  negroes  engaged  as,  125  n. 

Randall,  R.  E.,  declares  Pennsyl 
vania  guilty  of  offenses  charged 
"by  Virginia  (1861),  246  n. 

Rape,  punishment  for,  29 

Rawle,  William,  declares  negroes 
can  vote  (c.  1790),  183  n. ;  fav 
ors  quiet  abolitionist  methods, 
216  n. ;  comdemns  violence  of 
anti-slavery  movement,  220  n. 

Real  estate,  owned  by  negroes,  126 

Recommendations,  given  to  ne 
groes  by  Pennsylvania  Society 
for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  210 


Records,  of  courts,  255-256;  of 
Friends'  Meetings,  261-262 

Redemptioners,  frequently  run 
away,  98 

Refiners,  slaves  employed  as,  41 

Registry  of  slaves,    78 

Religious  activity,  social  influence 
of,  among  negroes,  134 

Removal  of  negroes  from  Penn 
sylvania,  many  white  people  de 
sire,  166 

Revolutionary  War,  manumission 
furthered  by,  60 

Rhode  Island,  slave-trade  in,  in 
vestigated  by  Pennsylvania  So 
ciety  for  the  Abolition  of  Slav 
ery  (1812),  214 

Riots,  on  account  of  negroes,  at 
York,  116  n.;  in  Philadelphia, 
141,  160-165 

Rising,  Johan  Classon,  ordains 
servitude  for  negroes  (1654), 
21  n. 

Ritner,  Joseph,  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  called  "  abolitionist  " 
(1838),  219 

Runaways,  32 

Rush,  Benjamin,  describes  begin 
nings  of  negro  church  in  Penn 
sylvania,  135  n.;  says  negroes  in 
Pennsylvania  cannot  vote  (1784), 
1 80  n. 

Rush  Library  Company  and  De 
bating  Society,  founded  1836, 
132 

Sailmakers,  slaves  employed  as,  41 
Sailors,  slaves  employed  as,  41,  124 
St.  Christopher's,  negroes  imported 

from,  9 
Sanderling,  James,  has  "  slave  "  at 

Upland,  18  n. 

Sandiford,  Ralph,  speaks  of  in 
creased  importation  of  negroes, 
5  n. ;  frees  his  negroes  (1733). 
57;  publishes  abolitionist  book 
(1729),  71 

Sandoval,  Alfonso,  makes  protest 
against  slavery  in  America 
(c.  1647),  65  n. 


INDEX 


Schools  for  negroes,  128,  129,  131- 

133 

Shulze,  John  Andrew,  governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  inquires  about  ne 
groes  voting  (1826),  184 

Scotch-Irish  settlers,  as  slave  hold 
ers,  13,  1 6 

Seamen,  see  Sailors 

Seduction,  of  white  girls  by  ne 
groes,  195  n- 

Sentences,  of  negro  convicts  and 
white  convicts,  comparative 
length  of,  145  n. 

Sermon,  preached  by  negro  min 
ister,  136  n. 

Servant,   definition  of  term,   17 

Servants,  negro,  for  life,  men 
tioned  in  Duke  of  York's  Laws, 
18;  after  1780  children  of  slaves 
held  as,  until  twenty-eight  years 
old,  78;  appear  in  Pennsylvania 
about  1700,  91;  four  classes  of, 
recognized  by  act  of  1725-1726, 
91,  92;  number  of,  92;  class  of, 
created  by  act  of  1780,  92-93; 
brought  from  other  states,  93; 
traffic  in,  93-95;  laws  affecting, 
95-101 ;  legislature  refuses  to 
debar  from  Pennsylvania  (1833), 
154;  abolition  of  extra  years  of 
service  of,  sought  by  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  for  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery,  212 

Servants,  white,  indentured, 
cheaper  than  negroes,  5;  run 
away  to  enlist  in  wars,  5;  com 
plaints  about  enlisting,  6;  car 
goes  of,  6  n. ;  laws  for  regulation 
of  (1683-1693),  22,  23;  registry 
of  (1682),  95;  sale  of,  restricted, 
95;  freedom  gifts  of,  95;  punish 
ments  of,  for  running  away,  96; 
marriages  of,  regulated  (1729- 
I73o),  96;  runaway,  harboring 
of,  forbidden,  96;  number  of, 

96  n.;  protection  of,  96;  sales  of, 
regulated,  96  n. ;  obligations  of, 
to  master,  96,  97;  schooling  for, 
97;   advertisements  of,   for  sale, 

97  n.;  punishments  of,  98;  treat 
ment  of,  98 


Servile  descent,  line  of,  20,  24 

Servitude,  and  de  facto  slavery 
nearly  the  same  before  1700,  18 
19,  23;  intermediate  status  be 
tween  slavery  and  freedom,  89, 
90,  91;  duration  of,  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  94,  108  n. 

Seward,  William,  religious  work 
of,  among  negroes,  45 

Shoe-makers,  slaves  employed  as, 
41;  negroes  occupied  as,  125  n. 

Shops,  kept  by  free  negroes,  de 
scribed  in  1789,  123 

Slave,  definition  of  the  term,  17  n. 

Slaver,  picture  of,  circulated  by 
Pennsylvania  Society  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  213 

Slavery,  in  Pennsylvania,  lingers 
longest  in  western  counties,  16  n. ; 
among  the  Dutch  and  Swedes, 
17;  legal  origin  of,  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  difficult  to  determine,  17; 
probably  recognized  in  Pennsyl 
vania  in  1700,  17,  19;  develops 
from  servitude,  17,  20,  21-23; 
negro  sold  "  forever,"  19;  legal 
development  of,  rapid,  20;  per 
iods  in  development  of,  in  Penn 
sylvania,  20,  21 ;  laws  regulat 
ing,  20,  21,  26;  arising  from 
birth,  24;  slight  legal  develop 
ment  of,  in  period  1726-1780, 
34;  mild  in  Pennsylvania,  37-38, 
52-53;  too  mild  to  endure,  53; 
abolition  of,  among  Friends, 
nearly  complete  by  1776,  75;  how 
profitable  in  Pennsylvania,  76  n. ; 
law  for  gradual  abolition  of, 
March  i,  1780,  78;  gradually 
died  out  in  Pennsylvania,  85, 
87;  duration  of,  in  Pennsylvania, 
1 08  n. ;  petitions  for  revival  of, 
iu  Pennsylvania  (1860),  204; 
hatred  of,  in  Pennsylvania 
(1830-1861),  248 

Slaves,  insurrection  of,  in  New 
York,  3;  labor  of,  of  low  grade, 
14;  status  of,  20,  25,  36-37; 
children  of,  rearing,  24  n. ;  trans 
fer  of,  25;  trial  and  punishment 
of,  26-29;  indemnity  for,  when 


312 


INDEX 


condemned  to  death,  27-28;  re 
strictions  upon,  29-35;  runaway, 
32,  49-50,  114  n. ;  power  of 
owner  over,  35-36;  food  and 
clothing  of,  38-39;  quarters  of, 
39-40;  not  overworked,  40;  oc 
cupations  of,  41 ;  kind  treatment 
of,  41;  recreations  of,  42;  mar 
riages  of,  45-46;  family  life 
among,  47;  traits  of  daily  life  of, 
revealed  in  newspaper  adver 
tisements  and  in  old  accounts, 
50-51;  nursed  when  sick,  51; 
provided  for,  when  old,  51;  re 
membered  in  wills,  51;  kind 
treatment  of,  in  families,  51-52; 
remain  with  masters  when  free, 
52;  sold  as  servants,  62;  to  be 
registered  after  1780,  78;  preg 
nant,  sent  out  of  Pennsylvania, 
pending  delivery,  80;  number  of, 
in  later  period,  85;  in  chains, 
awaken  pity,  87;  susceptible  to 
religious  influences,  134 

Slave-trade,  forbidden  by  Pennsyl 
vania,  1788,  81;  continues  at 
Philadelphia  (1796),  81  n.;  sup 
pression  of,  sought  by  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  for  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery,  213 

Smith,  Adam,  judgment  of,  upon 
abolition  of  slavery  among 
Friends  of  Pennsylvania,  76  n. 

Smith,  Captain  J.  S.,  says  freed 
negroes  work  for  former  mas 
ters  (1786),  123  n. 

Smith,  Stephen,  negro  lumber  mer 
chant  of  Columbia,  126  n. 

Society,  negro,  described,   140 

Society  for  the  Free  Instruction  of 
Orderly  Blacks  and  People  of 
Color,  founded  1789,  129 

South,  the,  alleged  treatment  of 
slaves  in,  40  n. ;  slaves  of,  ex 
pect  freedom  in  Pennsylvania, 
229;  resentment  of,  aroused  by 
anti-slavery  propaganda  and  hos 
tility  to  fugitive  slave  laws  in 
Pennsylvania,  246 

South  Carolina,  suffrage  in,  176  n. ; 


asks  Pennsylvania  to  suppress 
anti-slavery,  219  n. 

Southbe,  William,  urges  abolition 
of  slavery  (1696),  70;  petitions 
assembly  to  abolish  slavery, 
(1712),  70:  opposed  by  Friends, 
70 

Southern  masters  engage  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  for  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery  to  care  for  their  freed 
slaves,  211 

Southwark,  church  in,  destroyed 
by  mob  (1834),  161 

Steamboats  on  the  Delaware,  ne 
groes  segregated  on,  198  n. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  urges  negroes 
to  vote,  171  n.;  said  to  have  con 
verted  Governor  Ritner  to  abol 
itionism,  221  n. 

Street  cars,  see  Cars 

Suffrage,  proposal  for  definite  ex 
clusion  of  negroes  from  (1837), 
169-170;  in  colonial  Pennsyl 
vania,  172,  173  n. ;  bearing  of 
state  constitutions  upon  right  of 
negro  to,  173;  bearing  of  act  of 
1780  upon,  173;  bearing  of  con 
stitution  of  United  States  upon, 
J73-I74;  negro,  attracts  attention 
in  Pennsylvania,  174;  reasons 
for  denying  to  negro  in  Penn 
sylvania,  175-177;  slave-holding 
states  debar  negroes  from, 
176  n.;  reasons  for  allowing  in 
Pennsylvania,  177;  not  possessed 
by  negroes  in  colonial  Pennsyl 
vania,  178;  negroes  of  Pennsyl 
vania  alleged  to  have  possessed 
(c.  1790),  183;  difficulty  about 
deciding  right  of  negro  to,  in 
Pennsylvania,  before  1837,  185- 
187;  denial  of,  to  negro,  meets 
with  general  approval,  189;  defi 
nitely  denied  by  constitutional 
convention  (1838),  190 

Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania, 
upholds  doctrine  of  partus 
sequitur  ventrem  (1786),  24  n. ; 
asserts  validity  of  sale  of  slave 
without  deed  (1786),  25  n. ;  af- 


INDEX 


313 


firms  right  of  residents  of  other 
states  to  hold  slaves  in  Pennsyl 
vania  for  six  months  (1795), 
86;  decides  that  negroes  may  be 
apprentices  (1814),  106;  denies 
that  negro  has  right  to  vote 
(1838),  188;  upholds  right  of 
negro  to  preempt  land  (1853), 
197;  records  of,  256 

Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  law  of  Pennsylvania 
(1826)  declared  unconstitutional 
by  (1842),  237 

Tailors,   slaves  employed   as,   41 

Taney,  Roger,  opinion  of,  in  case 
of  Prigg  v.  Pennsylvania  (1842), 
237  n. 

Tanners,  slaves  employed  as,  41; 
negroes  occupied  as,  125  n. 

Taxes,  paid  by  negroes,  126 

Tax-lists,  show  number  of  negroes 
held,  13,  260 

Tenements,  negro,  destroyed  in 
Pittsburg  (1839),  163 

Tennessee,  suffrage  in,  176  n. 

Test  acts,  179;  ordain  that  oath  of 
allegiance  be  administered  to 
white  men,  180 

Theaters,  negroes  excluded  from, 
146 

Theft,  punishment  for,  29 

Tippling-houses,  negroes  forbidden 
to  go  to,  32 ;  rum  sold  to  negroes 
in,  32  n. ;  negro  servants  for 
bidden  to  frequent,  101 

Tocqueville,  Alexis  de,  on  race 
prejudice,  149 

Torture,  not  employed  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  36 

Treason,  trial  of  Castner  Hanway 
on  charge  of,  243 

Trent,  William,  merchant  of  Phila 
delphia,  imports  negroes,  3  n. 

Troops,  called  out  to  protect  ne 
groes  in  Philadelphia  (1842), 
164;  to  quell  anti-negro  riot 
(1849),  164 

Underground  Railroad,  originates 
in  Pennsylvania,  240;  gets  its 


name  in  Lancaster  County,  240; 
numerous  routes  of,  in  south 
eastern  Pennsylvania,  240 
Union  meeting,  held  in  Philadel 
phia  to  protest  against  anti-slav 
ery  legislation  (1861),  247 

Vigilance  committee,  secures  as 
sistance  of  negroes  (1814),  138; 
organized  at  Harrisburg,  153 

Virginia,  suffrage  in,  176  n.;  asks 
Pennsylvania  to  suppress  anti- 
slavery,  219  n. ;  fugitive  slaves 
from,  228-229 

Visiting  committees,  to  urge  manu 
mission,  74 

Vote,  see  Suffrage 

Wade,  Lydia,  manumits  slaves, 
(1701),  54 

Wages,  of  negro  domestics  in 
Philadelphia,  124 

Waiters,  negroes  employed  as, 
124  n. 

Warmer,  Isaac,  bequeaths  pregnant 
negress,  24  n. 

Washerwomen,   negro,    125   n. 

Watson,  John  Fanning,  criticises 
overdressed  negroes,  141;  com 
ments  on  deterioration  of  negro 
character,  158  n. 

Welsh    settlers,    hold    slaves,    13 

West  Indies,  alleged  treatment  of 
slaves  in,  40  n.;  abolition  of 
slavery  in,  celebrated  by  negroes 
of  Philadelphia,  163 

West  Nottingham,  kidnapping  at 
(1801),  116 

Wharton,  Robert,  alderman  and 
mayor  of  Philadelphia,  refusal 
of,  to  surrender  fugitive  slaves, 
235  n. 

Wheeler,  J.  H.,  loses  slaves  in 
Philadelphia,  87  n. 

Whipper,  W.,  negro  lumber  mer 
chant  of  Philadelphia,  126  n. 

Whipping,  as  punishment  for  ne 
groes,  29;  of  slaves,  for  carrying 
weapons,  35 

Whitefield,   George,   does  religious 


314 


INDEX 


work  among  negroes  (1740),  45; 
plans  settlement  of  free  negroes, 
58;  plans  school  for  negroes, 
128;  speaks  of  religious  enthus 
iasm  of  negroes,  134  n. 

Wills,  257 

Wilmot,  David,  supported  by  many 
people  in  Pennsylvania,  225 

Wilson,  John,  hires  free  negroes, 
123  n. 

Wistar,  Caspar,  buys  freedom  for 
slave,  63  n. 

Women,  Friends,  open  school  for 
negro  women  (1792),  129;  ask 
jury  trial  for  fugitive  slaves, 
236 

Woolman,  John,  urges  manumis 
sion,  59;  opposes  slavery,  71; 
writes  against,  72;  works  on 
visiting  committees,  74,  75 

Worrell,  Richard,  Friends'  meeting 


at  house  of,  considers  German- 
town  protest,  66 

Yearly  Meeting,  asks  advice  about 
importation  of  negroes  (1712), 
66;  urges  assistance  for  freed 
slaves  (1758),  122;  deprecates 
race  prejudice  (1839),  147;  rec 
ords  of,  262 

Yellow  fever  in  Philadelphia  (1793- 

1797).   137 

York,  conspiracy  of  negroes  to 
burn,  152,  153 

York  County,  Edward  Prigg  in 
dicted  in,  for  kidnapping,  236 

Young  Men's  Anti-Slavery  Society 
of  Philadelphia  denounces  slav 
ery,  217-218 

Young  Men's  Colonization  Society 
asks  legislature  for  assistance, 
1 66 


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Turner,    E,R. 

Negro  in  Pennsylvania 


Call  Number: 

E185.93 

Plil 

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215578 


